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美国防长哈格尔在2013年第12届香格里拉对话会上的主旨演讲(中英对照)

2013-6-8 23:01| 发布者: sisu04| 查看: 220| 评论: 0|来自: IISS

摘要: The US Approach to Regional Security
笔译、口译资料下载

Remarks at the IISS Asia Security Summit

在国际战略研究所亚洲安全峰会上的讲话

 

Chuck Hagel, US Secretary of Defense

查克·哈格尔,美国国防部长

 

Shangri-La Hotel, Singapore

香格里拉酒店,新加坡

 

June 1, 2013

201361

 

Ladies and gentlemen I have, as John noted, a deep appreciation for the International Institute for Strategic Studies. As John mentioned, I was present at the creation of this conference. And I am so pleased and proud, and particularly hopeful to see how much this institution has grown over the years and how relevant it has become.

 

女士们,先生们,正如约翰所说,我对国际战略研究所深怀感激。正如约翰提到的,我曾出席过峰会的创始会议。我很高兴和自豪地,特别是满怀希望地看到,这些年来这一机制有了多么大的发展和变得多么重要。

 

My perspective is different today from when I spoke at the first Asia Summit in 2002, but my message today about the Asia-Pacific region’s critical importance is similar to the message I gave 12 years ago. The first decade of this new century has reaffirmed that this region is becoming the center of gravity for the world’s population, global commerce, and security.

 

我今天的视角与2002年我在首届亚洲峰会上讲话时不同,但我今天要谈的有关亚太地区至关重要的信息和我12年前的信息相似。新世纪的第一个十年再次肯定,亚太地区正在日益成为世界人口、全球商贸和安全的重心。

 

My understanding of the region is based on some first-hand exposure to both its perils and to its promises. I learned early in my life that America is a Pacific nation -- the first ocean I ever saw was the Pacific Ocean -- and I learned that U.S. security was tied to the security of others in this region.

 

我对这一地区的理解是基于对这里的危险因素和希望前景的亲身体会。我在早年就懂得,美国是一个太平洋国家——我见到的第一个海洋就是太平洋——而且我了解到,美国的安全和这一地区的其他国家息息相关。

 

As a child, I heard my father, a veteran of World War II, speak of flying in B-25 bombers as a radio operator-tailgunner in the South Pacific theater. I recall when war broke out on the Korean peninsula in the early 1950s he was called up from the reserves. Although he did not deploy, many from small towns across Nebraska did go to the Korean peninsula.

 

我小时候就听我父亲——一位二战退伍军人——说起他在南太平洋战区作为B-25轰炸机的无线电话务员和机尾射手的经历。我记得在20世纪50年代初朝鲜半岛爆发战争时,他被从后备役转为现役军人。虽然他没有被派往战场,但内布拉斯加州各地小镇有许多人都被派遣到朝鲜半岛。

 

Eventually, my turn came to serve our country. As a young soldier in the United States Army, I volunteered, along with my brother Tom, to fight in the Vietnam War. I had little insight into the decisions or global politics of the time -- what the decisions were about to send American troops there. I was simply doing my duty. But out of that experience I learned how important it would be for America to engage wisely -- engage wisely -- in Asia, and throughout the world.

 

最终,轮到我为国服役。作为美国陆军的年轻士兵,我和弟弟汤姆一起志愿参加越南战争。对于那时的决策或全球政治——为什么决定派遣美国军队去越南——我不甚了解。我只是在履行职责。但从那段经历中,我了解到美国在亚洲和世界各地明智地参与——明智地参与——是多么重要。

 

In the years that followed my service, I saw the region’s promise up close as a businessman, president of the World United Service Organization (USO) and a U.S. senator. As president of the USO, I witnessed America’s security role and its partnerships in the Pacific with our bases in South Korea and Japan -- Okinawa -- as well as on the U.S. territory of Guam.

 

在结束服役后的那些年里,我作为商人、世界联合服务组织主席和美国参议员,从近距离看到了这一地区的前景。作为联合服务组织的主席,我在我们位于韩国和日本——冲绳——以及美国关岛的基地,目睹了美国发挥的安全作用及其与太平洋地区的伙伴关系。

 

When I co-founded a cellular telephone company in the early 1980s, my business partners and I traveled to Beijing, Tianjin, and Guangzhou. We traveled to China to market this new technology. I was impressed by the skill, motivation, and hard work of the young Chinese technicians and engineers we met across the country. It became very clear to me that China had the potential to build a strong and dynamic economy in the years ahead.

 

我在20世纪80年初与人合伙创立一家便携电话公司时,我和商务伙伴去过北京、天津和广州。我们前往中国推广这种新技术。我对在中国各地遇见的年轻中国技术员和工程师的技能、干劲和勤劳印象深刻。于是我非常清楚,中国有潜力在未来年月里建起强劲和充满活力的经济。

 

Returning to China in the late 1990s as a U.S. senator, I saw how China’s growth had created a new, more hopeful economic path for its citizens. Trade between the United States and China had fostered understanding and mutual respect, building bridges between people and helping cement a stable relationship…in which other issues could also be discussed. In 1999 I saw the same thing in Vietnam, where I returned with my brother Tom more than 30 years after we had served together in 1968. I then also returned to Australia.

 

我在20世纪90年代后期以美国参议员身份重返中国,看到中国的发展已经为公民开辟了一条新的、更富于希望的经济道路。美国和中国之间的贸易促进了两国的理解和相互尊重,建立了人民之间的联系,使我们具有了稳定的关系……通过这种关系也可以讨论其他问题。1999年,我和弟弟汤姆一起,自1968年在越南服役30多年后重返那里,看到了同样的情景。后来,我还重返过澳大利亚。

 

As a U.S. senator I visited many nations in the Asia-Pacific region. What I took away from all these experiences was a firm belief that the arc of the 21st century would be shaped by events here in Asia. America has been a Pacific power for more than two centuries. Our ties to this region -- economic, cultural and security -- are unbreakable and broadly supported by Americans of both political parties. However, these long-standing, bi-partisan ties needed to be renewed and reinvigorated -- they need this after a decade of war in the Middle East and Central Asia.

 

作为美国参议员,我走访了亚太地区的许多国家。通过所有这些经历,我坚信,21世纪的发展趋势将取决于亚洲的动态。美国两个多世纪以来一直是一个太平洋大国。我们与这一地区的联系——经济、文化和安全——是牢不可破的,并得到美国两党人士的广泛支持。然而,这些长期的两党共同支持的关系需要得到更新并被注入新的活力——在历经了中东和中亚十年的战争后,这是有必要的。

 

For these reasons, when I left the United States Senate in 2009, it was apparent to me that the U.S. would need to rebalance its capabilities and resources toward the Asia-Pacific region as it was winding down from two wars and complications, and reviewing its global interests and responsibilities around the world.

 

基于这些原因,当我2009年从美国参议院卸任时,我很清楚,随着美国正从那两场战争和种种问题中逐步退出,美国将需要针对亚太地区重新平衡能力和资源,并检视美国的全球利益和在世界各地的责任。

 

This rebalancing should not, however, be misinterpreted. The U.S. has allies, interests and responsibilities across the globe. The Asia-Pacific rebalance is not a retreat from other regions of the world.

 

但是,这种再平衡不应该被曲解。美国在世界各地都有盟友、利益和责任。对亚太再平衡并不等于退出世界其他地区。

 

Nevertheless, the world is undergoing a time of historic transformation, and Asia is at the epicenter of that change. The 21st century will be defined by the rise of new powers; the rapid spread of information, goods, and technologies; innovation and economic integration; new security coalitions that take on shared challenges; issues of trade, energy and the environment; and greater opportunities for all people of all nations to have a voice in shaping their own futures.

 

然而,世界正在经历一个历史性的转变时期,亚洲处在这种转变的中心。21世纪的特征将是新兴大国的崛起;信息、商品和技术的快速传播;创新和经济融合;迎接共同挑战的新安全联盟;贸易、能源和环境问题;以及所有国家的所有人民有更大机会对打造自身未来拥有发言权。

 

With this incredible promise come complications and challenges. In Asia, we see a range of persistent and emerging threats. These threats include:

 

伴随这些令人惊叹的前景,也会出现问题和挑战。在亚洲,我们看到了一系列始终存在和正在显现的威胁。它们包括:

 

• North Korea’s nuclear weapons and missile programs, and its continued provocations;

 

•北韩的核武器和导弹计划及其持续的挑衅;

 

• Ongoing land and maritime disputes and conflicts over natural resources;

 

•持续不断的领土和海洋纠纷和在自然资源问题上的冲突;

 

• The continued threat of natural disaster, the curse of poverty and the threat of pandemic disease;

 

•自然灾害的持续威胁,贫困的祸害和流行性疾病的威胁;

 

• Environmental degradation;

 

•环境恶化;

 

• Illicit trafficking in people, weapons, drugs, and other dangerous materials -- including the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction;

 

•非法贩运人口、武器、毒品和其他危险材料——包括大规模毁灭性武器的扩散;

 

• And the growing threat of disruptive activities in space and cyberspace.

 

•太空和网络空间破坏活动带来的日益严峻的威胁。

 

These are the challenges of the 21st century. This morning I want to describe, from my perspective as the secretary of defense of the United States, what we can do together to meet these critical challenges. In particular, America and other nations of the Asia-Pacific must continue to strengthen existing alliances, forge new partnerships, and build coalitions based on common interests to ensure this region’s future is peaceful and prosperous.

 

这些都是21世纪的挑战。今天上午,我想从我作为美国国防部长的角度,谈谈我们能为应对这些严峻挑战共同作出什么样的努力。尤其是,美国和亚太地区其他国家必须继续加强现有同盟,构筑新的伙伴关系,并在共同利益的基础上建立联盟,以确保这一地区未来的和平与繁荣。

 

In support of this goal, America is implementing a rebalance -- which is primarily a diplomatic, economic and cultural strategy. President Obama is increasing funding for diplomacy and development in Asia, including a seven percent increase in foreign assistance in the Asia-Pacific region. The United States is providing new resources for regional efforts such as the Lower Mekong Initiative, which helps improve water management, disaster resilience, and public health. We have built strong momentum toward implementing a next-generation trade and investment agreement through the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations. We are fostering regional trade and investment through our work in APEC and our support to ASEAN.

 

为了支持这一目标,美国正在实施再平衡——这主要是一项外交、经济和文化战略。欧巴马总统正在增加用于亚洲外交和发展的资金,包括把对亚太地区的外援增加7%。美国正在为湄公河下游行动计划等区域性努力提供新的资源,以帮助改善水资源管理、灾后恢复和公共卫生。我们通过跨太平洋伙伴关系谈判建立了实施下一代贸易和投资协议的强劲势头。我们正在通过我们在亚太经合组织中的努力和我们对东盟的支持,促进区域贸易和投资。

 

The Department of Defense plays an important role in securing the president’s vision of rebalance. Our approach was outlined in the president’s 2012 Defense Strategic Guidance, which is still guiding the U.S. military as we reorient its capabilities, its capacities to better prepare for future global security.

 

美国国防部对确保实现总统的再平衡愿景发挥着重要作用。我们的方略在总统2012年的“国防战略指导方针”中得到概述。美国军方在重新调整能力和实力以便更加适应未来全球安全需要的过程中,正在继续以这项方针为指南。

 

As we carry out this strategy, it is true that the Department of Defense will have fewer resources than in the past. It would be unwise and short-sighted, however, to conclude that our commitment to the rebalance cannot be sustained -- particularly given the truth that even under the most extreme budget scenarios, the United States will continue to represent nearly 40 percent of global defense expenditures. Like the employment of all resources, it is always a matter of the wise, judicious and strategic use of those resources that matters the most and has the most lasting impact.

 

确实,我们在贯彻这项战略时,美国国防部的资源会比过去少。然而,若由此得出结论说,我们的再平衡承诺难以为继,那是不明智也是短见的——尤其是考虑到即使在最极端的预算方案下,美国在全球防务开支中也仍将占近40%这一事实。就像运用所有的资源时一样,这里关系的是一个如何明智、审慎和战略性地运用最重要和最具持久影响力的资源的问题。


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