英语口译、笔译资料下载 Opening
Remarks by Secretary of State John Kerry Before the United States Senate
Committee on Foreign Relations 国务卿约翰•克里在美国参议院对外关系委员会的开场发言
Office of the Spokesperson, US
Department of State 美国国务院发言人办公室
Washington, D.C. 华盛顿特区
September 3, 2013 2013年9月3日
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, Mr.
Chairman, members of the committee, Ranking Member Corker, thank you very, very
much for having us here today. We look forward to this opportunity to be able
to share with you President Obama’s vision with respect to not just this
action, but as Senator Corker has inquired appropriately, about Syria itself
and the course of action in the Middle East. Mr. Chairman, thank you for
welcoming Teresa. This is her first public event since early July, so we’re all
happy she’s here.
国务卿克里：主席先生，各位委员，资深议员科克（Corker），非常感谢今天让我们到这里来。我们期待有这样一次机会，能够同各位交流欧巴马总统的设想，不仅是关于此次行动，而且——就像参议员科克已经作出的应有质询——是关于叙利亚本身和中东行动路线的设想。主席先生，感谢您对特里萨（Teresa）的欢迎。这是7月初以来她的首次公开活动，因此我们都很高兴她来到这里。
As we convene for this debate,
it’s not an exaggeration to say to you, all of you, my former colleagues, that
the world is watching not just to see what we decide. But it is watching to see
how we make this decision – whether in a dangerous world we can still make our
government speak with one voice. They want to know if America will rise to this
moment and make a difference.
在我们举行这次辩论之际，我可以毫不夸张地对各位、对你们所有人——我以前的同事们说，世界不仅正在注视着我们将作出何种决定，而且也在注视着我们将如何作出这一决定——在一个危险的世界中我们是否仍能够让我们的政府发出同一个声音。他们想知道美国是否能够应时局要求，有所作为。
And the question of whether to
authorize our nation to take military action is, as you have said, Mr.
Chairman, and you’ve echoed, Mr. Ranking Member, this is obviously one of the
most important decisions, one of the most important responsibilities of this
committee or of any senator in the course of a career. The President and the
Administration appreciate that you have returned quickly to the nation’s
capital to address it and that you are appropriately beginning a process of
focusing with great care and great precision, which is the only way to approach
the potential use of military power.
而且，关于是否授权我国采取军事行动的问题，如主席先生您所说，也如资深议员先生您所赞同的，显然是这个委员会或者任何参议员的职业生涯中最重要的决定之一，是最重要的责任之一。总统和本政府感谢各位迅速回到首都来处理这一问题并且以应有的极为谨慎和极其精确的注意力来启动一个程序，这是对待可能动用军事力量时的唯一途径。
Ranking Member Corker, I know
that you want to discuss, as you said, why Syria matters to our national
security and our strategic interests, beyond the compelling humanitarian
reasons. And I look forward with Secretary Hagel and General Dempsey to laying
that out here this afternoon.
资深议员科克，我知道您想讨论，如您所说，除了强有力的人道主义原因外，叙利亚为什么与我们的国家安全和战略利益有关。我并与哈格尔部长和登普西将军共同期待今天下午在这里作出说明。
But first, it is important to
explain to the American people why we’re here. It’s important for people who
may not have caught every component of the news over the course of the Labor
Day Weekend to join us, all of us, in focusing in on what is at stake here.
That’s why the President of the United States made the decision, as he did,
contrary to what many people thought he would do, of asking the Congress to
join in this decision. We are stronger as a nation when we do that.
但首先，有必要向美国人民解释我们为什么来到这里。有必要让在劳工节周末可能尚未了解全部新闻详情的人与我们一道，与我们所有人，关注此中的利害攸关。正是出于这个原因，
美国总统作出了他的决定，与许多人所认为的相反，他决定邀请国会参与这一决策。这样做使我们作为一个国家更强大。
So we’re here because against
multiple warnings from the President of the United States, from the Congress,
from our friends and allies around the world, and even from Russia and Iran,
the Assad regime – and only, undeniably, the Assad regime – unleashed an
outrageous chemical attack against its own citizens. We’re here because a
dictator and his family’s personal enterprise, in their lust to hold onto
power, were willing to infect the air of Damascus with a poison that killed
innocent mothers and fathers and hundreds of their children, their lives all
snuffed out by gas in the early morning August 21.
我们在这里是因为，阿萨德政权——而且不可否认的是，只有阿萨德政权——不顾来自美国总统、国会、我们世界各地的盟友，甚至俄罗斯和伊朗的多方警告，对其自己的公民实施了骇人的化学攻击。我们在这里是因为，一个独裁者及其自家实体，为贪图抱住权力，情愿向大马士革空中散布毒气，杀害无辜的父母及其数百名儿童——8月21日凌晨的毒气使他们窒息而亡。
Now, some people here and there,
amazingly, have questioned the evidence of this assault on conscience. I repeat
here again today that only the most willful desire to avoid reality can assert
that this did not occur as described or that the regime did not do it. It did
happen – and the Assad regime did it.
令人惊讶的是，到处都有人对此震撼良知的攻击的证据提出质疑。我今天在这里重申，只有最固执地想要回避现实的人，才会断言攻击没有发生或者它不是阿萨德政权所为。攻击确实发生——而且是阿萨德政权所为。
Now, I remember Iraq. Secretary
Hagel remembers Iraq. General Dempsey especially remembers Iraq. But Secretary
Hagel and I and many of you sitting on the dais remember Iraq in a special way
because we were here for that vote. We voted. And so we are especially
sensitive, Chuck and I, to never again asking any Member of Congress to take a
vote on faulty intelligence. And that is why our intelligence community has
scrubbed and re-scrubbed the evidence. We have declassified unprecedented
amounts of information. And we ask the American people and the rest of the
world to judge that information.
我记得伊拉克。哈格尔部长记得伊拉克。登普西将军尤其记得伊拉克。但哈格尔部长和我以及讲台上在座的许多人对伊拉克有特殊的记忆，因为我们曾经在这里投票表决。我们投了票。我们，查克（和我，尤其感到，决不能再让任何国会议员根据错误的情报进行投票。这就是为什么我们的情报部门一遍又一遍地审核了证据。我们已经解密了前所未有的大量情报。我们请美国人民和世界各国人民就那些情报作出判断。
We can tell you beyond any
reasonable doubt that our evidence proves the Assad regime prepared for this
attack, issued instructions to prepare for this attack, warned its own forces
to use gas masks. We have physical evidence of where the rockets came from and
when. Not one rocket landed in regime-controlled territory. Not one. All of
them landed in opposition-controlled or contested territory. We have a map,
physical evidence, showing every geographical point of impact – and that is
concrete.
我们可以毫无任何怀疑地告诉各位，我们的证据证明阿萨德政权策划了这次攻击，发布了预备这次攻击的指令，警告自己的军队使用防毒面具。我们掌握了火箭发射地点和时间的实物证据。没有一枚火箭落在阿萨德政权控制的地盘。一枚都没有。所有火箭都击中反对派控制的或有争议的地区。我们有地图，有实物证据，显示每一个击中地点——这是具体实在的。
Within minutes of the attack –
90, I think, to be precise, maybe slightly shorter – the social media exploded
with horrific images of the damage that had been caused – men and women, the
elderly and children, sprawled on a hospital floor with no wounds, no blood –
but all dead. Those scenes of human chaos and desperation were not contrived.
They were real. No one could contrive such a scene.
攻击发生不久后——准确地说，我想是在90分钟内，也许稍短——社交媒体上骤然大量传出遭受伤害的恐怖景象——男女老少躺在医院的地板上，没有伤口，没有血迹——但全都死亡。那些人间混乱和绝望的场景不是人为制造。它们是真实的。没人能制造这样的场景。
We are certain that none of the
opposition has the weapons or capacity to effect a strike of this scale –
particularly from the heart of regime territory. Just think about it in logical
terms, common sense. With high confidence, our intelligence community tells us
that after the strike, the regime issued orders to stop, and then fretted
openly, we know, about the possibility of UN inspectors discovering evidence.
So then they began to systematically try to destroy it. Contrary to my
discussion with their Foreign Minister, who said we have nothing to hide, I
said if you have nothing to hide, then let the inspectors in today and let it
be unrestricted. It wasn’t. They didn’t. It took four days of shelling before
they finally allowed them in under a constrained, prearranged structure. And we
now have learned that the hair and blood samples from first responders in East
Damascus has tested positive for signatures of sarin.
我们确信没有任何反对派拥有发动这种规模攻击的武器或能力——尤其不可能从阿萨德政权的心脏地带。只要用逻辑、用常识想一想。我们的情报部门以极高的确信度告诉我们，攻击过后，阿萨德政权下达了停止命令，然后公开地——我们知道——对联合国调查员发现证据的可能性表示担忧。于是，他们开始蓄谋企图销毁证据。与我同叙利亚外交部长所讨论的相反，他说他们没有什么可隐瞒，我说如果你们没有什么可隐瞒，就让联合国调查员今天进入，并且不施加限制。事实并非如此。他们没有那么做。他们炮轰了四天，最后才让联合国调查员以有限和经预先安排的方式进入。我们现在已经知道，东大马士革的一线急救人员提供的头发和血液样本经沙林毒气检测呈阳性。
So my colleagues, we know what
happened. For all the lawyers, for all the former prosecutors, for all those
who have sat on a jury – I can tell you that we know these things beyond the
reasonable doubt that is the standard by which we send people to jail for the
rest of their lives.
因此，同事们，我们知道发生了什么。对于所有律师、所有前检察官、所有曾经是陪审团成员的人——我可以告诉大家，我们对这些情况的掌握已经达到了不存在任何合理置疑的程度，这是我们在判处终身监禁时的标准。
So we’re here because of what
happened two weeks ago. But we’re also here because of what happened nearly a
century ago, in the darkest moments of World War I and after the horror of gas
warfare, when the vast majority of the world came together to declare, in no
uncertain terms, that chemical weapons crossed a line of conscience and they
must be banned from use forever. Over the years that followed, over 180
countries – including Iran, Iraq, and Russia – agreed and they joined the Chemical Weapons Convention. Even
countries with whom we agree on little agreed on that conviction.
我们在这里是因为两周前发生的事。我们在这里也是因为将近一个世纪前发生的事，在第一次世界大战最黑暗的时刻，在经历了毒气战的恐怖后，当时世界上绝大多数人联合起来，以毫不含糊的言词宣布，使用化学武器超出了良知的底线，必须永远予以禁止。在随后年月里，超过180个国家——包括伊朗、伊拉克和俄罗斯——同意并加入了《禁止化学武器公约》。即使是与我们极少意见一致的国家也都认同这项公约。
Now, some have tried to suggest
that the debate we’re having today is about President Obama’s redline. I could
not more forcefully state that is just plain and simply wrong. This debate is
about the world’s redline, it’s about humanity’s redline, and it’s a redline
that anyone with a conscience ought to draw.
现在，有些人试图将我们今天的辩论说成是关系到欧巴马总统的“红线”。我可以再坚决不过地声明，这根本就是谬误至极。这场辩论是关于世界的“红线”，关于人道的“红线”，而且是任何有良知的人都应该划的“红线”。
This debate is also about
Congress’s own redline. You – the United States Congress – agreed to the Chemical Weapons Convention. You – the
United States Congress – passed the Syria
Accountability Act, which says Syria’s chemical weapons are, quote,
“threaten the security of the Middle East and the national security interests
of the United States.” You – the Congress – have spoken out about grave
consequences if Assad in particular used chemical weapons. So I say to you,
Senator Corker, that is one of the reasons why Syria is important.
这场辩论也是国会自己的“红线”。你们——美国国会——批准了《禁止化学武器公约》。你们——美国国会——通过了《叙利亚责任法》，其中指出，叙利亚的化学武器“威胁中东安全和美国国家安全利益”。你们——国会——已经表明，如果阿萨德尤其使用化学武器，将招致严重后果。因此，我对你们说，参议员科克，这是为什么叙利亚事关重要的原因之一。
And as we debate and the world
watches, as you decide and the world wonders – not whether Assad’s regime
executed the worst chemical-weapons attack of the 21st century; that fact I
think is now beyond question – the world wonders whether the United States of
America will consent, through silence, to standing aside while this kind of
brutality is allowed to happen without consequence.
我们在辩论，世界在关注，你们在决定，世界在猜测——不是猜测阿萨德政权是否发动了21世纪最严重的化学武器攻击；我认为现在这一事实已经毫无疑问，世界在猜测美利坚合众国是否会准许——通过保持沉默、袖手旁观——让这种残忍行径不付后果。
In the nearly 100 years since the
first global commitment against chemical weapons, only two tyrants dared to
cross the world’s brightest line. Now Bashar al-Assad has become the third. And
I think all of you know that history holds nothing but infamy for those
criminals and history reserves also very little sympathy for their enablers.
自从全球首次承诺禁止化学武器的近100年以来，只有两个暴君敢越过世界最明显的底线。现在，巴沙尔•阿萨德成为第三个。我想你们所有人都知道，那些罪犯在历史上除了遗臭万年别无所有，而且历史对他们的支持者也毫不留情。
So the reality is the gravity of
this moment. That is the importance of the decision that this Congress faces
and that the world is waiting to learn about in these next days.
因此，眼前的时刻极其严峻。国会所面临的决定事关重大，世界等待在未来几天内看到这一决定。 |
/1 
