奥巴马总统在68届联大一般性辩论上的发言（中英对照）

So what does this mean going forward?  In the near term, America’s diplomatic efforts will focus on two particular issues:  Iran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons, and the Arab-Israeli conflict.  While these issues are not the cause of all the region’s problems, they have been a major source of instability for far too long, and resolving them can help serve as a foundation for a broader peace.

那么，这在向前推进的过程中意味着什么？在近期，美国的外交努力将集中在两个具体问题上：伊朗谋取核武器的问题以及阿拉伯和以色列之间的冲突。尽管这些问题不是造成该地区所有问题的原因，但它们作为不稳定的一个主要根源存在的时间太长了，解决它们有助于为实现更广泛的和平奠定基础。

The United States and Iran have been isolated from one another since the Islamic Revolution of 1979.  This mistrust has deep roots.  Iranians have long complained of a history of U.S. interference in their affairs and of America’s role in overthrowing an Iranian government during the Cold War.  On the other hand, Americans see an Iranian government that has declared the United States an enemy and directly -- or through proxies -- taken American hostages, killed U.S. troops and civilians, and threatened our ally Israel with destruction.

自1979年伊斯兰革命以来，美国和伊朗一直相互隔绝。这种不信任根深蒂固。长期以来，伊朗一直抱怨美国屡屡干预他们的事务并在冷战期间推翻伊朗政府的过程中发挥作用。而另一方面，美国人民看到伊朗政府宣布与美国为敌，并直接地——或者通过其代理——劫持美国人质，杀害美国军人和平民，还威胁要毁灭我们的盟国以色列。

I don’t believe this difficult history can be overcome overnight -- the suspicions run too deep.  But I do believe that if we can resolve the issue of Iran’s nuclear program, that can serve as a major step down a long road towards a different relationship, one based on mutual interests and mutual respect.

我不认为能在一夜之间克服这段困难重重的历史——猜疑太深了。但我确信，如果我们能解决伊朗的核项目问题，便将能迈出重大的一步，走上发展另一种以共同利益和相互尊重为基础的关系的漫长道路。

Since I took office, I’ve made it clear in letters to the Supreme Leader in Iran and more recently to President Rouhani that America prefers to resolve our concerns over Iran’s nuclear program peacefully, although we are determined to prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapon.  We are not seeking regime change and we respect the right of the Iranian people to access peaceful nuclear energy.  Instead, we insist that the Iranian government meet its responsibilities under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and U.N. Security Council resolutions.

我就任总统之后，曾写信向伊朗最高领袖表明，并于近期向鲁哈尼总统表明，尽管我们决意制止伊朗发展核武器，但美国更希望以和平方式解决我们对伊朗核项目的关切。我们不寻求政权更替，而且我们尊重伊朗人民和平利用核能的权利。但我们坚决要求伊朗政府履行《不扩散核武器条约》所规定的责任以及联合国安理会的各项决议。

Meanwhile, the Supreme Leader has issued a fatwa against the development of nuclear weapons, and President Rouhani has just recently reiterated that the Islamic Republic will never develop a nuclear weapon.

与此同时，伊朗最高领袖已发布反对发展核武器的宗教公告，而且鲁哈尼总统刚刚重申了伊朗伊斯兰共和国永远不会发展核武器。

So these statements made by our respective governments should offer the basis for a meaningful agreement.  We should be able to achieve a resolution that respects the rights of the Iranian people, while giving the world confidence that the Iranian program is peaceful.  But to succeed, conciliatory words will have to be matched by actions that are transparent and verifiable.  After all, it’s the Iranian government’s choices that have led to the comprehensive sanctions that are currently in place.  And this is not simply an issue between the United States and Iran.  The world has seen Iran evade its responsibilities in the past and has an abiding interest in making sure that Iran meets its obligations in the future.  

因此，我们各自的政府发表的这些声明应当为达成一项有实质意义的协议奠定基础。我们应当能够达成一个尊重伊朗人民的权利，同时让全世界对伊朗项目的和平性质感到放心的解决方案。但为了取得成功，和解的言词还必须有相应的透明的、可核实的行动。归根结底，是伊朗政府作出的选择才导致了目前正在实施的全面制裁措施。而且这不仅仅是美国与伊朗之间的一个问题。全世界都看到了伊朗过去曾经逃避责任，并始终关注着确保伊朗今后履行其各项义务。

But I want to be clear we are encouraged that President Rouhani received from the Iranian people a mandate to pursue a more moderate course.  And given President Rouhani’s stated commitment to reach an agreement, I am directing John Kerry to pursue this effort with the Iranian government in close cooperation with the European Union -- the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Russia and China.

但我要阐明，鲁哈尼总统已受命于伊朗人民要推行一条更温和的路线，这令我们受到鼓舞。鉴于鲁哈尼总统已公开阐明致力于达成一项协议，我指示约翰·克里同伊朗政府共同推进这项努力，并与欧盟密切合作——与英国、法国、德国以及俄罗斯和中国。

The roadblocks may prove to be too great, but I firmly believe the diplomatic path must be tested.  For while the status quo will only deepen Iran’s isolation, Iran’s genuine commitment to go down a different path will be good for the region and the world, and will help the Iranian people meet their extraordinary potential -- in commerce and culture; in science and education.

事实可能会证明这条道路上的障碍太过巨大，但我坚信必须试一试外交途径。因为维持现状只会加深伊朗的孤立，而伊朗走上另一条道路的真正承诺将惠及该地区和全世界，并将帮助伊朗人民发挥他们卓越的潜力——在商贸和文化范畴以及科学和教育领域。

We are also determined to resolve a conflict that goes back even further than our differences with Iran, and that is the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis.  I’ve made it clear that the United States will never compromise our commitment to Israel’s security, nor our support for its existence as a Jewish state.  Earlier this year, in Jerusalem, I was inspired by young Israelis who stood up for the belief that peace was necessary, just, and possible.  And I believe there’s a growing recognition within Israel that the occupation of the West Bank is tearing at the democratic fabric of the Jewish state.  But the children of Israel have the right to live in a world where the nations assembled in this body fully recognize their country, and where we unequivocally reject those who fire rockets at their homes or incite others to hate them.

我们还致力于解决比我们同伊朗之间的分歧还要久远的冲突，那就是巴勒斯坦人和以色列人之间的冲突。我已阐明，美国绝不会在我们对以色列安全的承诺上以及我们对以色列作为一个犹太国家而存在的支持上妥协让步。今年早些时候，在耶路撒冷，一些年轻的以色列人坚持相信和平是必要的、公正的、可能的，他们让我深受鼓舞。而且我相信，在以色列国内有越来越多的人认识到占据西岸地区正在损害这个犹太国家的民主结构。但以色列的子民有权生活在这样一个世界中：即在这个机构中集会的各国完全承认他们的国家，而且我们毫不含糊地驳斥那些向他们的家园发射火箭或煽动其他人憎恨他们的人。

Likewise, the United States remains committed to the belief that the Palestinian people have a right to live with security and dignity in their own sovereign state.  On the same trip, I had the opportunity to meet with young Palestinians in Ramallah whose ambition and incredible potential are matched by the pain they feel in having no firm place in the community of nations.  They are understandably cynical that real progress will ever be made, and they’re frustrated by their families enduring the daily indignity of occupation.  But they too recognize that two states is the only real path to peace -- because just as the Palestinian people must not be displaced, the state of Israel is here to stay.

同样地，美国依然致力于巴勒斯坦人民有权在自己的主权国家内过上安全的、有尊严的生活的信念。在同一次访问中，我曾有机会与拉马拉的年轻的巴勒斯坦人见面，他们的抱负及惊人的潜力与他们因在国家共同体中没有稳固的一席之地而感到的痛苦相伴。他们认为永远不会取得真正进展的悲观怀疑的态度是可以理解的，他们还因自己的家人每天都要忍受被占领的屈辱而心灰意冷。但他们也认识到两国并存是通往和平的唯一的真正途径——因为正如巴勒斯坦人绝不应当流离失所，以色列国也定将长期存在。

So the time is now ripe for the entire international community to get behind the pursuit of peace.  Already, Israeli and Palestinian leaders have demonstrated a willingness to take significant political risks.  President Abbas has put aside efforts to short-cut the pursuit of peace and come to the negotiating table.  Prime Minister Netanyahu has released Palestinian prisoners and reaffirmed his commitment to a Palestinian state.  Current talks are focused on final status issues of borders and security, refugees and Jerusalem.

因此，时机业已成熟，整个国际社会均应支持寻求和平。以色列和巴勒斯坦领导人已经表现出承担重大政治风险的意愿。阿巴斯主席已将试图走捷径实现和平的做法搁置一边，并回到谈判桌前。内塔尼亚胡总理已释放巴勒斯坦囚犯，并重申他对一个巴勒斯坦国的承诺。目前的会谈着重于边界和安全、难民和耶路撒冷的最终地位问题。

So now the rest of us must be willing to take risks as well.  Friends of Israel, including the United States, must recognize that Israel’s security as a Jewish and democratic state depends upon the realization of a Palestinian state, and we should say so clearly.  Arab states, and those who supported the Palestinians, must recognize that stability will only be served through a two-state solution and a secure Israel.

现在，我们其他各方也必须愿意承担风险。包括美国在内的以色列的朋友们必须认识到，以色列作为一个犹太国家和民主国家的安全取决于能否建立一个巴勒斯坦国，我们应当清楚地表明这一点。阿拉伯国家以及支持巴勒斯坦人的各方必须认识到，只有通过一个两国解决方案并有一个安全的以色列，才能实现稳定。

All of us must recognize that peace will be a powerful tool to defeat extremists throughout the region, and embolden those who are prepared to build a better future.  And moreover, ties of trade and commerce between Israelis and Arabs could be an engine of growth and opportunity at a time when too many young people in the region are languishing without work.  So let’s emerge from the familiar corners of blame and prejudice.  Let’s support Israeli and Palestinian leaders who are prepared to walk the difficult road to peace.

我们所有人都必须认识到，和平将是击败整个地区的极端主义分子并激励那些准备建设更美好未来的人的有力手段。此外，在该地区有太多的年轻人因没有工作而生活困苦的时候，以色列人与阿拉伯人之间的贸易和商业纽带可以成为增长和机遇的引擎。因此，让我们走出由来已久的指责和偏见的死角吧。让我们支持以色列和巴勒斯坦领导人，他们已准备好踏上实现和平的艰难道路。

Real breakthroughs on these two issues -- Iran’s nuclear program, and Israeli-Palestinian peace -- would have a profound and positive impact on the entire Middle East and North Africa.  But the current convulsions arising out of the Arab Spring remind us that a just and lasting peace cannot be measured only by agreements between nations.  It must also be measured by our ability to resolve conflict and promote justice within nations.  And by that measure, it’s clear that all of us have a lot more work to do.

在这两个问题上——伊朗核问题以及以巴和平问题——取得真正的突破将对整个中东和北非地区产生深远和积极的影响。但是，由阿拉伯之春而起的目前的动乱局势提醒我们，一个公正和持久的和平不能仅由国家之间达成的协议来衡量，还必须以我们解决冲突并在各个国家内促进正义的能力来衡量。而在这一方面，很明显，我们所有各方都有大量工作要做。

When peaceful transitions began in Tunisia and Egypt, the entire world was filled with hope.  And although the United States -- like others -- was struck by the speed of transition, and although we did not -- and in fact could not -- dictate events, we chose to support those who called for change.  And we did so based on the belief that while these transitions will be hard and take time, societies based upon democracy and openness and the dignity of the individual will ultimately be more stable, more prosperous, and more peaceful.

当和平过渡在突尼斯和埃及开始之时，整个世界都充满了希望。尽管美国——和其他国家一样——对转变的速度赶到惊讶，尽管我们没有——事实上也无法——决定事态，但我们选择了支持那些呼吁改变的人。我们这么做所基于的信念是，尽管这些转变困难重重、耗费时日，但建立在民主、开放和个人尊严的基础之上的社会最终将更加稳定、更加繁荣、更加和平。

Over the last few years, particularly in Egypt, we’ve seen just how hard this transition will be.  Mohamed Morsi was democratically elected, but proved unwilling or unable to govern in a way that was fully inclusive.  The interim government that replaced him responded to the desires of millions of Egyptians who believed the revolution had taken a wrong turn, but it, too, has made decisions inconsistent with inclusive democracy -- through an emergency law, and restrictions on the press and civil society and opposition parties.

在过去几年里，特别是在埃及，我们看到这一过渡有多么困难。穆罕默德·穆尔西是民主选举选出来的，但事实证明他不愿或不能以全面包容的方式实行治理。取代他的临时政府回应了数百万认为这场革命已误入歧途的埃及人的愿望，但这个政府也作出了与包容性民主不符的决定——实行《紧急状态法》并对新闻界、公民社会和反对派施加限制。

Of course, America has been attacked by all sides of this internal conflict, simultaneously accused of supporting the Muslim Brotherhood, and engineering their removal of power.  In fact, the United States has purposely avoided choosing sides.  Our overriding interest throughout these past few years has been to encourage a government that legitimately reflects the will of the Egyptian people, and recognizes true democracy as requiring a respect for minority rights and the rule of law, freedom of speech and assembly, and a strong civil society.

当然，美国受到了这场内部冲突中所有各方的攻击，他们同时指责美国支持穆斯林兄弟会以及策划剥夺其权力。事实上，美国一直有意地避免支持任何一方。在过去的这几年里，我们最重要的利益始终在于鼓励一个以合法方式反映埃及人民意愿的政府，认识到真正的民主必须尊重少数派的权利和法治、言论和集会自由，并拥有一个强大的公民社会。

That remains our interest today.  And so, going forward, the United States will maintain a constructive relationship with the interim government that promotes core interests like the Camp David Accords and counterterrorism.  We’ll continue support in areas like education that directly benefit the Egyptian people.  But we have not proceeded with the delivery of certain military systems, and our support will depend upon Egypt’s progress in pursuing a more democratic path.

今天，这依然是我们的利益所在。因此，在向前推进的过程中，美国将与增进《戴维营协议》和反恐怖主义等核心利益的临时政府保持建设性的关系。我们将继续在教育等直接惠及埃及人民的领域提供支持。但是，我们没有交付特定的军事系统，而且我们的支持将取决于埃及在寻求更加民主的道路上所取得的进展。

And our approach to Egypt reflects a larger point:  The United States will at times work with governments that do not meet, at least in our view, the highest international expectations, but who work with us on our core interests.  Nevertheless, we will not stop asserting principles that are consistent with our ideals, whether that means opposing the use of violence as a means of suppressing dissent, or supporting the principles embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

我们对埃及的方针反映了更重要的一点：美国有时会与至少在我们看来没有达到最高国际期望，但在我们的核心利益上与我们共同努力的政府展开合作。尽管如此，我们不会停止坚持主张与我们的理念一致的原则，无论这意味着反对将暴力作为压制异见的手段，还是支持《世界人权宣言》所体现的原则。

We will reject the notion that these principles are simply Western exports, incompatible with Islam or the Arab World.  We believe they are the birthright of every person.  And while we recognize that our influence will at times be limited, although we will be wary of efforts to impose democracy through military force, and although we will at times be accused of hypocrisy and inconsistency, we will be engaged in the region for the long haul.  For the hard work of forging freedom and democracy is the task of a generation.

我们将驳斥认为这些原则只不过是西方的舶来品，不适用于伊斯兰教或阿拉伯世界的观点。我们相信，这些是每个人与生俱来的权利。虽然我们认识到有时我们的影响力有限，尽管我们将谨防通过军事力量强力推行民主的做法，尽管我们有时被指责为虚伪、言行不一，但我们仍将长期在这个地区参与接触，因为打造自由和民主的艰苦努力是整个一代人的使命。

And this includes efforts to resolve sectarian tensions that continue to surface in places like Iraq, Bahrain and Syria.  We understand such longstanding issues cannot be solved by outsiders; they must be addressed by Muslim communities themselves.  But we’ve seen grinding conflicts come to an end before -- most recently in Northern Ireland, where Catholics and Protestants finally recognized that an endless cycle of conflict was causing both communities to fall behind a fast-moving world.  And so we believe those same sectarian conflicts can be overcome in the Middle East and North Africa.

这包括努力解决在伊拉克、巴林和叙利亚等地不断出现的宗派紧张关系。我们懂得，这种由来已久的问题无法由外来人解决；它们必须由穆斯林社区自己处理。但是，我们过去看到过激烈的冲突走向终结——最近的例子是北爱尔兰，在那里，天主教徒和新教徒最终认识到，无休止的冲突循环导致这两个社区被快速发展的世界甩在了后头。因此我们相信，中东和北非那些同样的宗派冲突是可以克服的。