奥巴马总统在68届联大一般性辩论上的发言（中英对照）

To summarize, the United States has a hard-earned humility when it comes to our ability to determine events inside other countries.  The notion of American empire may be useful propaganda, but it isn’t borne out by America’s current policy or by public opinion.  Indeed, as recent debates within the United States over Syria clearly show, the danger for the world is not an America that is too eager to immerse itself in the affairs of other countries or to take on every problem in the region as its own.  The danger for the world is that the United States, after a decade of war -- rightly concerned about issues back home, aware of the hostility that our engagement in the region has engendered throughout the Muslim world -- may disengage, creating a vacuum of leadership that no other nation is ready to fill.

总而言之，在谈到我们决定别国内部事件的能力时，美国有一种来之不易的谦卑。美国帝国这一概念也许是有用的宣传，但它没有出现在美国当前的政策或公众舆论中。确实，如最近在美国国内关于叙利亚问题的辩论明确显示的那样，世界的危险不是由于美国太急于陷入别国的事务，或者将该地区的每一个问题都当作自己的问题。世界的危险是，美国在经历了10年战争后——理所当然地关心国内的问题，认识到我们在该地区的参与在整个穆斯林世界所产生的敌意——可能从中脱身，造成一个任何别国尚不能填补的领导真空。

I believe such disengagement would be a mistake.  I believe America must remain engaged for our own security.  But I also believe the world is better for it.  Some may disagree, but I believe America is exceptional -- in part because we have shown a willingness through the sacrifice of blood and treasure to stand up not only for our own narrow self-interests, but for the interests of all.

我认为这种脱身会是个错误。我认为美国为了我们自身的安全必须保持接触。但我也认为这样做对世界更有利。有些人可能不同意，但我认为美国是独特的——部分原因是，我们展现了我们愿意通过献出自己的鲜血和财富挺身而出，不仅仅是为了狭隘的自身利益，而且为了所有人的利益。

I must be honest, though.  We’re far more likely to invest our energy in those countries that want to work with us, that invest in their people instead of a corrupt few; that embrace a vision of society where everyone can contribute -- men and women, Shia or Sunni, Muslim, Christian or Jew.  Because from Europe to Asia, from Africa to the Americas, nations that have persevered on a democratic path have emerged more prosperous, more peaceful, and more invested in upholding our common security and our common humanity.  And I believe that the same will hold true for the Arab world.

但我也必须实话实说。我们更有可能在那些愿意和我们合作的国家投入我们的精力，那些投资于人民而不是少数腐败者；那些致力于这样一个社会愿景的国家，即人人都能作贡献——男人和妇女，什叶派或逊尼派穆斯林，基督教徒或犹太人。因为从欧洲到亚洲，从非洲到美洲，那些坚持走民主之路的国家变得更繁荣、更和平，更致力于维持我们共同的安全和我们共同的人性。我相信，阿拉伯世界也会同样如此。

This leads me to a final point.  There will be times when the breakdown of societies is so great, the violence against civilians so substantial that the international community will be called upon to act.  This will require new thinking and some very tough choices.  While the United Nations was designed to prevent wars between states, increasingly we face the challenge of preventing slaughter within states.  And these challenges will grow more pronounced as we are confronted with states that are fragile or failing -- places where horrendous violence can put innocent men, women and children at risk, with no hope of protection from their national institutions.

由此引到我要谈的最后一点。将会有这样的时候，社会的崩溃如此巨大，针对平民的暴力如此严重，国际社会被呼吁采取行动。这将要求有新的思维并作出某种非常艰难的选择。虽然联合国的目的是防止国家之间的战争，但我们日益面临防止国家内部屠杀的挑战。当我们面对那些脆弱或失败的国家时，这些挑战变得越发明显——在那些地方，骇人听闻的暴力将无辜的男女和儿童置于危险之中，没有希望得到国家机构的保护。

I have made it clear that even when America’s core interests are not directly threatened, we stand ready to do our part to prevent mass atrocities and protect basic human rights.  But we cannot and should not bear that burden alone.  In Mali, we supported both the French intervention that successfully pushed back al Qaeda, and the African forces who are keeping the peace.  In Eastern Africa, we are working with partners to bring the Lord’s Resistance Army to an end.  And in Libya, when the Security Council provided a mandate to protect civilians, America joined a coalition that took action.  Because of what we did there, countless lives were saved, and a tyrant could not kill his way back to power.

我已经表明，即使当美国的核心利益没有受到直接威胁时，我们也严阵以待，尽我们的责任防止大规模屠杀并保护基本人权。但是我们不能也不应该独自承担这一责任。在马里，我们支持了法国的干预，成功击退“基地”组织，也支持了维和的非洲部队。在东非，我们正在同合作伙伴携手消灭圣主抵抗军。在利比亚，当安理会授权保护平民时，美国加入联盟采取了行动。由于我们在那里的作为，无数生命得到拯救，一个暴君再也不能用屠杀夺回权力。

I know that some now criticize the action in Libya as an object lesson.  They point to the problems that the country now confronts -- a democratically elected government struggling to provide security; armed groups, in some places extremists, ruling parts of a fractured land.  And so these critics argue that any intervention to protect civilians is doomed to fail -- look at Libya.  No one is more mindful of these problems than I am, for they resulted in the death of four outstanding U.S. citizens who were committed to the Libyan people, including Ambassador Chris Stevens -- a man whose courageous efforts helped save the city of Benghazi.  But does anyone truly believe that the situation in Libya would be better if Qaddafi had been allowed to kill, imprison, or brutalize his people into submission?  It’s far more likely that without international action, Libya would now be engulfed in civil war and bloodshed.

我知道，现在有些人将利比亚的行动作为实物教育加以批评。他们指出该国现在面临的问题——民主选举的政府难以提供安全；武装团体，在有些地方是极端主义分子，统治着一个四分五裂的国家的某些地区。因此，这些批评人士说，任何保护平民的干预都注定要失败——看看利比亚。没有人比我更警觉这些问题，因为它们造成4名致力于利比亚人民福祉的杰出美国公民的死亡，包括克里斯•史蒂文斯大使——他富于勇气的作为帮助拯救了班加西市。但是，任何人是否真的认为，如果让卡扎菲任意杀戮、囚禁或用残暴手段制服人民，利比亚的局势会更好？如果没有国际行动，更有可能出现的情况是，利比亚现在会陷入内战和流血之中。

We live in a world of imperfect choices.  Different nations will not agree on the need for action in every instance, and the principle of sovereignty is at the center of our international order.  But sovereignty cannot be a shield for tyrants to commit wanton murder, or an excuse for the international community to turn a blind eye.  While we need to be modest in our belief that we can remedy every evil, while we need to be mindful that the world is full of unintended consequences, should we really accept the notion that the world is powerless in the face of a Rwanda or Srebrenica?  If that’s the world that people want to live in, they should say so and reckon with the cold logic of mass graves.

我们生活在一个不存在完美选择的世界。不同的国家不可能每一次都对是否需要采取行动达成一致，同时主权原则是现行国际秩序的核心。但是，主权不能成为暴君恣意杀人的挡箭牌，也不能成为国际社会视若无睹的借口。虽然我们需要保持谨慎，不可认为我们能纠正所有的邪恶；虽然我们需要切记，这个世界处处可见始料未及的结果，但面对卢旺达或者斯雷布雷尼察出现的情景，难道我们真的应该接受全世界无能为力的看法吗？如果这就是人们希望生活的世界，那么他们就应该直言不讳并接受万人坑冷酷的逻辑。

But I believe we can embrace a different future.  And if we don’t want to choose between inaction and war, we must get better -- all of us -- at the policies that prevent the breakdown of basic order.  Through respect for the responsibilities of nations and the rights of individuals.  Through meaningful sanctions for those who break the rules.  Through dogged diplomacy that resolves the root causes of conflict, not merely its aftermath.  Through development assistance that brings hope to the marginalized.  And yes, sometimes -- although this will not be enough -- there are going to be moments where the international community will need to acknowledge that the multilateral use of military force may be required to prevent the very worst from occurring.

但是我相信，我们能拥有一个不同的未来。如果我们不想在无所作为和战争之间进行选择，我们——我们所有的人——必须改进防止基本秩序崩溃的政策。通过尊重国家的责任和个人权利。通过有意义地制裁违反规则的人。通过坚持不懈的外交解决冲突的根源，不仅仅只考虑冲突的后果。通过为被边缘化的人带去希望的发展援助。不可否认，有时——尽管这并不够——将会出现这样的时刻，国际社会需要承认，可能有必要为防止出现最坏的局面使用多边武力。

Ultimately, this is the international community that America seeks -- one where nations do not covet the land or resources of other nations, but one in which we carry out the founding purpose of this institution and where we all take responsibility.  A world in which the rules established out of the horrors of war can help us resolve conflicts peacefully, and prevent the kinds of wars that our forefathers fought.  A world where human beings can live with dignity and meet their basic needs, whether they live in New York or Nairobi; in Peshawar or Damascus.

最终，这是美国寻求的国际社会——各国不再觊觎他国的土地或资源；我们继承这个机构的创建宗旨，共同承担责任。在这样的世界上，因考虑到战争的恐怖而建立的规则有助于我们和平解决冲突，并防范我们的前辈所经历过的战争。在这样的世界上，人类能有尊严地生活，基本需求得到满足，不论居住在纽约还是在内罗毕；不论在白沙瓦还是在大马士革。

These are extraordinary times, with extraordinary opportunities.  Thanks to human progress, a child born anywhere on Earth today can do things today that 60 years ago would have been out of reach for the mass of humanity.  I saw this in Africa, where nations moving beyond conflict are now poised to take off.  And America is with them, partnering to feed the hungry and care for the sick, and to bring power to places off the grid.

这样的时代是非凡的时代，可以提供卓越的机遇。由于人类的进步，如今在地球上任何地方出生的儿童能做的事情，60年前绝大多数人类还不可能做到。我在非洲看到这种情形，那里已经结束冲突的国家现已准备腾飞。美国与他们站在一起，共同向饥饿的人提供食品，向病人提供护理，并向没有电网覆盖的地区提供电力。

I see it across the Pacific region, where hundreds of millions have been lifted out of poverty in a single generation.  I see it in the faces of young people everywhere who can access the entire world with the click of a button, and who are eager to join the cause of eradicating extreme poverty, and combating climate change, starting businesses, expanding freedom, and leaving behind the old ideological battles of the past.  That’s what’s happening in Asia and Africa.  It’s happening in Europe and across the Americas.  That’s the future that the people of the Middle East and North Africa deserve as well -- one where they can focus on opportunity, instead of whether they’ll be killed or repressed because of who they are or what they believe.

我在整个亚太地区看到这种情形，几亿人在一代人的时间内摆脱了贫困。我在各地年轻人的脸上看到这种情形，他们点击一个键就全知天下事，他们渴望投身于消灭极端贫困的事业中去，同气候变化作斗争，开创企业，拓展自由，并抛弃以往意识形态的争斗。这就是亚洲和非洲正在发生的事情。这也是欧洲和整个美洲正在发生的事情。这也是中东和北非人民应有的前途——他们可以专注于机会，不再担心是否会因为自己的身份或信仰被杀害或受到压迫。

Time and again, nations and people have shown our capacity to change -- to live up to humanity’s highest ideals, to choose our better history.  Last month, I stood where 50 years ago Martin Luther King Jr. told America about his dream, at a time when many people of my race could not even vote for President.  Earlier this year, I stood in the small cell where Nelson Mandela endured decades cut off from his own people and the world.  Who are we to believe that today’s challenges cannot be overcome, when we have seen what changes the human spirit can bring?  Who in this hall can argue that the future belongs to those who seek to repress that spirit, rather than those who seek to liberate it?

世界各国和人民一次又一次展示了我们实现变革的能力——追随人类的最高理念，选择我们更美好的历史道路。上个月，我站在50年前马丁•路德•金向美国人民宣告自己梦想的地方。当年我这个种族的许多人甚至不能投票选举总统。今年早些时候，我站在纳尔逊·曼德拉忍受与他的人民和世界隔绝几十年的小牢房。当我们看到人类精神带来的种种变化时，还有谁会相信今天的挑战不能被战胜？在今天这个会议大厅里，谁会说未来属于那些试图压制这种精神的人而不是要求解放这种精神的人？

I know what side of history I want to the United States of America to be on.  We’re ready to meet tomorrow’s challenges with you -- firm in the belief that all men and women are in fact created equal, each individual possessed with a dignity and inalienable rights that cannot be denied.  That is why we look to the future not with fear, but with hope.  And that’s why we remain convinced that this community of nations can deliver a more peaceful, prosperous and just world to the next generation.

我知道我希望美利坚合众国站在历史的哪一边。我们已经准备好与你们一起迎接明天的挑战——我们坚信，所有的男男女女确实生来平等，人人应享有尊严和不可剥夺的权利。这就是为什么我满怀希望而不是心存恐惧展望未来。这就是为什么我们坚信，国际社会能为下一代提供一个更和平、繁荣和正义的世界。

Thank you very much.  (Applause.)

非常感谢大家。（掌声）