美国国家安全事务助理苏珊·赖斯在乔治城大学的演讲（中英对照）

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英文版：Remarks by National Security Advisor Susan E. Rice at Georgetown University.doc

中文版：国家安全事务助理苏珊·赖斯在乔治城大学的讲话.doc

Remarks by National Security Advisor Susan E. Rice at Georgetown University

国家安全事务助理苏珊•赖斯在乔治城大学的讲话

 

Gaston Hall, Georgetown University, Washington, D.C.

乔治城大学加斯顿厅，华盛顿特区

 

Wednesday November 20, 2013

2013年11月20日 星期三

 

“America’s Future in Asia”

“美国的未来在亚洲”

 

Thank you, Victor, for all your exceptional work to advance American policy toward Asia -- from your time on the NSC staff to your current contributions as Director of the Asia Studies Program at the School of Foreign Service. I’d like to thank President DeGioia, Provost Groves, and my former colleague, Dean Lancaster, for the opportunity to speak here today and for Georgetown’s unrivaled success in preparing America’s future leaders, especially so many of our policy makers.

 

维克多，谢谢你为推动美国的亚洲政策所做的一切卓越努力——从你任职于国家安全事务助理的工作班子到目前担任外交学院亚洲研究专业主任。我要感谢德吉奥亚校长、格罗夫斯教务长和我以前的同事兰开斯特院长今天给我在此讲话的机会以及使乔治城大学为培养美国未来领导人取得了无与伦比的成就，特别是培养了我们如此众多的决策者。

 

President Obama is deeply committed to leaving our world more stable, more secure, more free, and more prosperous for generations to come. Those of you who are students today are uniquely poised to seize the transformative potential of tomorrow across our rapidly changing world. Nowhere are the challenges and the opportunities we face so great as in the Asia Pacific region. Two years ago, in laying out his vision for America’s role in the region, President Obama said, “Asia will largely define whether the century ahead will be marked by conflict or cooperation, needless suffering or human progress.”

 

欧巴马总统坚决致力于留给子孙后代一个更稳定、更安全、更自由和更繁荣的世界。你们当中今天在座的学生具有独特优势，可以在我们迅速变化的世界中抓住明天的变革机遇。我们在亚太地区面临的挑战和机遇比在任何地区都大。两年前，欧巴马总统在阐述他对美国在该地区的作用的设想时说：“亚洲将在很大程度上界定未来一世纪是以冲突还是合作、是以无谓的痛苦还是以人类的进步为标志。”

 

Thus, rebalancing toward the Asia Pacific remains a cornerstone of the Obama Administration’s foreign policy. No matter how many hotspots emerge elsewhere, we will continue to deepen our enduring commitment to this critical region. Our friends in Asia deserve and will continue to get our highest level attention. Secretary of State John Kerry has traveled to the region several times and will return again in just a few weeks.

 

因此，对亚太的再平衡仍然是欧巴马政府外交政策的一个基石。无论其他地区出现多少热点，我们都将继续深化我们对这个至关重要地区持久的承诺。我们在亚洲的朋友应该得到并将继续得到我们的最高层关注。国务卿约翰•克里已经几次前往该地区，仅几个星期后将再次重返亚洲。

 

Secretary of Commerce Pritzker and U.S. Trade Representative Froman led important U.S. delegations there last month. Vice President Biden will visit China, Japan and Korea in early December. And, although we were all disappointed that the government shutdown compelled the President to cancel his trip to Asia in October, I’m pleased to announce today that President Obama will return to Asia this coming April to continue strengthening our ties across the region.

 

上个月，商务部长普利茨和美国贸易代表弗罗曼率领重要的美国代表团前往该地区。12月初，拜登副总统将访问中国、日本和韩国。虽然政府的关闭迫使总统取消了10月份的亚洲之行，令我们大家失望，但今天我很高兴地宣布，欧巴马总统将于明年4月份重返亚洲，继续加强我们在该地区的纽带。

 

I’d like to take this opportunity to outline what we aim to achieve in the Asia Pacific over the next three years. Ultimately, America’s purpose is to establish a more stable security environment in Asia, an open and transparent economic environment, and a liberal political environment that respects the universal rights and freedoms of all. Achieving that future will necessarily be the sustained work of successive administrations. In the near term, President Obama will continue to lay the critical foundations for lasting progress in four key areas—enhancing security, expanding prosperity, fostering democratic values, and advancing human dignity.

 

我想利用这次机会概述我们未来3年在亚太地区致力于实现的目标。最终，美国的目的是在亚洲建立一个更加稳定的安全环境，一个开放和透明的经济环境，一个尊重所有人普世权利和自由的公允的政治环境。实现这样的未来将必须是连续几届政府持久的努力。在近期内，欧巴马总统将继续在四个关键领域为持久的进步奠定关键的基础——加强安全、扩大繁荣、增进民主价值观以及促进人类尊严。

 

Enhancing Security

加强安全

 

Let me begin with security, which is the underpinning of all progress in every region. We are making the Asia Pacific more secure with American alliances—and an American force posture—that are being modernized to meet the challenges of our time. By 2020, 60 percent of our fleet will be based in the Pacific, and our Pacific Command will gain more of our most cutting-edge capabilities. As we are seeing in the Philippines today, our military presence in the region is vital, not only to deter threats and defend allies, but also to provide speedy humanitarian assistance and unmatched disaster response.

 

让我从安全开始，安全是每个地区一切进步的基础。我们与美国盟国一道——加之美国的军力态势——正在让亚太更加安全；我们也正在将盟国关系现代化，以便迎接时代的挑战。到2020年，我国60%的海军舰队将以太平洋地区为基地，我国的太平洋司令部将获得我们更多的最尖端能力。如我们今天在菲律宾所见，我们在这一地区的军事存在至关重要，不仅仅是为了对威胁构成威慑和保护盟友，也是为了快速提供人道援助和前所未有的救灾援助。

 

We are updating and diversifying our security relationships in the region to address emerging challenges as effectively as we deter conventional threats. We are urging our allies and partners to take greater responsibility for defending our common interests and values. By next year, we will complete the first fundamental revision of our bilateral defense guidelines with Japan in more than 15 years. Japan is also creating its first-ever National Security Council, and I look forward to working closely with my Japanese counterpart on regional and global challenges. In South Korea, we’re enhancing the alliance’s military capabilities to ensure that our combined forces can deter and fully answer North Korea’s provocations. With Australia, we are bringing our militaries closer by rotating Marines through Darwin and deepening cooperation in newer areas like missile defense and space and cyber security. And, we’re doing more with Thailand and the Philippines to address maritime security and disaster response. To diversify the network of security relationships in the region, we are strengthening trilateral cooperation with our allies and our security partners and encouraging them to cooperate more closely among themselves.

 

我们在提升并多样化发展在该地区的安全关系，以便以与我们对传统威胁构成威慑的同样有效的方式，应对新出现的挑战。我们敦促我们的盟友和伙伴为保卫我们的共同利益和价值观承担更大的责任。到明年，我们将完成逾15年来与日本双边防御指针的第一次重要修订。日本也在建立它有史以来的第一个“国家安全委员会”，我期待与我的日本同行在地区和全球挑战事务中紧密合作。在韩国，我们正在加强我们联盟的军事能力，确保我们两国的联合军队能够威慑和全面回应北韩的挑衅。与澳大利亚，我们正在通过海军陆战队在达尔文的换防使两军关系更加紧密，并加深在导弹防御、太空和网络安全等较新领域的合作。我们还在与泰国和菲律宾开展更多工作以处理海洋安全和救灾援助事务。为了使该地区的安全关系网多样化，我们在加强与盟友及安全伙伴的三边合作，并鼓励它们之间开展更紧密的合作。

 

When it comes to China, we seek to operationalize a new model of major power relations. That means managing inevitable competition while forging deeper cooperation on issues where our interests converge—in Asia and beyond. We both seek the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, a peaceful resolution to the Iranian nuclear issue, a stable and secure Afghanistan, and an end to conflict in Sudan. There are opportunities for us to take concerted action to bolster peace and development in places like sub-Saharan Africa, where sustainable growth would deliver lasting benefit to the peoples of Africa as well as to both our countries.

 

在中国问题上，我们寻求实施一种新型大国关系。这意味着驾驭必然会有的竞争，同时在我们的利益重合的领域深化合作——无论在亚洲还是亚洲以外。我们双方都寻求朝鲜半岛的无核化，伊朗核问题的和平解决，阿富汗的安全和稳定，以及结束苏丹的冲突。我们有机会在非洲撒哈拉沙漠以南等地方协同行动来促进和平和发展，这些地区的可持续发展将给非洲人民和我们两国带来长期的利益。

 

We’re improving the quality of our military-to-military relationship with China, as we enhance our strategic security dialogues and cooperate on issues like counter-piracy and maritime security. Greater military engagement and transparency can help us manage the realities of mistrust and competition, while augmenting the high-level communication that has been a hallmark of this Administration’s approach to China.

 

随着我们加强我们的战略安全对话和在打击海盗及海洋安全等事务上展开合作，我们也在增进与中国军方对军方关系的质量。更多的军方接触和透明度可以帮助我们掌控现实中的不信任和竞争，同时扩大高层沟通——这始终是本届政府与中国交往的做法。

 

As we diversify the ways in which we do business with China, we will continue to champion respect for the rule of law, human rights, religious freedom and democratic principles. These are the common aspirations that all people share. We will do this, even and especially when it is not the easy or expedient thing to do. I sat on the Security Council with China for four and a half years working on many of these issues. I know all too well that we have some fundamental differences that cannot be minimized. But, I also know that our interests on many of the major challenges of our time can and should be more closely aligned.

 

在发展多种途径与中国往来的同时，我们将继续捍卫对法治、人权、宗教自由和民主原则的尊重。这些是所有人的共同愿望。我们将这么做，即使在、并且特别是在不容易或并非便利的时候。我曾在安理会与中国在许多这些事务上工作了四年半。我非常清楚，我们有一些不容忽略的根本分歧。但是，我也知道我们在我们时代的许多重大挑战上的很多利益是可以并且应该一致的。

 

Nowhere is this more evident than in confronting the threat that North Korea poses to international peace and security. The regime threatens its neighbors. Pyongyang proliferates dangerous goods and technologies. It seeks to expand its nuclear weapons arsenal and its long-range missile program in flagrant violation of international law. Consequently, one of our most pressing security goals is to roll back the threat posed by North Korea’s nuclear and other WMD programs.

 

这在对抗北韩对国际和平与安全构成的威胁方面再明显不过。北韩政权威胁它的邻国。平壤扩散危险物资和技术。它悍然违反国际法律，谋求扩充核武器军火库和扩大远程导弹项目。因此，我们四个最紧迫的安全目标之一是减少北韩的核武器和其他大规模毁灭性武器项目造成的威胁。

 

To that end, we are prepared for negotiations, provided that they are authentic and credible, get at the entirety of the North's nuclear program, and result in concrete and irreversible steps toward denuclearization. Pyongyang’s attempts to engage in dialogue while keeping critical elements of its weapons programs running are unacceptable, and they will not succeed. We will continue to join with international partners, especially China, to increase pressure on North Korea to denuclearize. We will do what is necessary to defend ourselves and our allies against any threat from North Korea, and we will maintain and expand, as necessary, both national and multilateral sanctions against North Korea. There will continue to be significant costs to future provocations.

 

为此，我们为谈判做好了准备，前提是谈判真实可信，针对北韩的整个核项目，并朝无核化达成具体且不可逆的步骤。平壤企图在进行对话的同时保持其武器项目的关键部分运转，这是不能接受也不会成功的。我们将继续与我们的国际伙伴，特别是中国，一起增加对北韩的压力以实现无核化。我们将采取一切必要的手段保护我们自己和我们的盟友免受来自北韩的任何威胁，我们将保持并在必要时扩大对北韩的国家和多边制裁。未来的挑衅行为仍将招致巨大代价。

 

Pyongyang has a choice: on the one hand lies greater isolation and crippling economic privation; on the other, a true chance for peace, development and global integration. Another growing threat to regional peace and security—and to U.S. interests—is the rise of maritime disputes in the East China Sea and South China Sea. We aim to help governments in the region to communicate better with one another, so that incidents at sea do not unintentionally spark wider conflicts. We encourage all parties to reject coercion and aggression and to pursue their claims in accordance with international law and norms through the establishment of peaceful, diplomatic processes for preventing maritime conflicts. A good first step would be progress on a Code of Conduct for the South China Sea. How the nations and institutions of the Asia Pacific manage these disputes will be a harbinger of their ability to shape their shared security future.

 

平壤有一个选择：一方面是更加孤立和严重的经济贫困；另一方面是得到一个真正的和平、发展和融入国际社会的机会。地区和平与安全——以及美国利益——面临的另一个日益增长的威胁是在东中国海和南中国海出现的海洋争端。我们的目标是帮助这一地区的各政府相互间更好地沟通，从而海洋事件不会无意地引发更大范围的冲突。我们鼓励所有各方拒绝胁迫和侵入行为，并通过建立和平、外交程序依据国际法律和惯例来谋求解决各自的诉求，以避免海洋冲突。一个良好的开端是在达成南中国海行为准则方面取得进展。亚太地区国家和机构处理这些争端将预示着它们是否有能力打造共同安全的未来。

 

Indeed, many of Asia’s most vexing security challenges are transnational security threats that transcend borders like climate change, piracy, infectious disease, transnational crime, cyber-theft, and the modern-day slavery of human trafficking. No one nation can meet these challenges alone. That is, in part, why we are increasing our engagement with regional institutions like the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the East Asia Summit. These groups allow nations to develop ideas, share best practices, address disputes constructively, and nurture a sense of shared responsibility. Asia’s regional institutions are essential to delivering more effective solutions than any one nation can muster on its own.

 

确实，亚洲大部分最棘手的安全挑战是气候变化、海盗、传染病、跨国犯罪、网络盗窃和现代人口贩运奴役等超越国界的跨国安全威胁。没有一个国家能够单独应对这些挑战。这也就是我们之所以正在增加与东南亚国家联盟和东亚峰会等地区性机构接触的部分原因。这些机制使各国可以发展设想、分享最佳规范、建设性地应对争端和培养一种共有的责任感。亚洲的地区性机构在提供比任何单一国家能够自己提出更为有效的解决方案方面至关重要。

 

Expanding Prosperity

扩大繁荣

 

These security goals constitute one key element of our Asia Pacific strategy. Yet, we have an equally essential economic agenda in the region. By the end of 2016, we aim to transform our economic relations with the region through: dramatically increased U.S. exports; the implementation of the most ambitious American free trade agreement in decades; and closer cooperation with China, India and other emerging economies in pursuit of sustained global growth.

 

这些安全目标构成我们亚太战略的一个关键要素。然而，我们在该地区还有同样重要的经济议程。我们的目标是，到2016年年底，通过以下措施改变我们与该地区的经济关系：大幅增加美国的出口；落实几十年来最宏大的美国自由贸易协定；与中国、印度和其他新兴经济体为寻求全球经济可持续增长更加紧密地合作。

 

Our own economic future is inextricably linked to that of the Asia Pacific. A full quarter of the goods and services exported by the United States are bound for Asia, and about 30 percent of our imports come from the region. More than a million Americans serve in jobs supported by our exports to Asia. And, that number has risen 50 percent in the last decade. We are committed to growing these numbers while making sure the benefits are broadly shared. As a Pacific nation, the United States is working to shape a more dynamic future for the entire region by promoting U.S. business and forging new ties of commerce.

 

我们自己的经济前景与亚太地区的经济前景密不可分。美国出口的商品和服务有整整四分之一去往亚洲，而我国大约30%的进口来自该地区。我们对亚洲的出口与100多万美国人的就业直接相联。而且这一数字在过去10年中上升了50%。我们致力于提高这些数字，同时确保这些惠益得到广泛分享。作为一个太平洋国家，美国正在努力通过助推美国企业及建立新的商业关系为整个亚太地区打造一个更具活力的未来。

 

Asia needs open and transparent economies and regional support for international economic norms, if it is to remain a world-wide engine of economic growth. Driving a global economic recovery that creates jobs here in the United States and addresses the kinds of trade imbalances that contributed to the economic meltdown in the first place will require hard work on both sides of the Pacific. For the United States, that means boosting our exports and continuing to bring down our budget deficit. For countries in Asia, it means shifting the focus from overseas markets to strengthening their domestic sources of demand.

 

如果亚洲要继续做全世界经济增长的引擎，它就需要有开放和透明的经济体以及对国际经济规范的区域性支持。推动全球经济复苏，进而在美国创造就业机会并纠正最初导致经济衰退的种种贸易不平衡，将需要太平洋两岸共同大力努力。对美国来说，这意味着增加我们的出口并继续降低我们的预算赤字。对亚洲国家来说，这意味着将重点从海外市场转到扩大国内需求。

 

Our foremost economic goal in the region is concluding negotiations for the Trans-Pacific Partnership and achieving Congressional approval. The 12 nations that are part of the TPP negotiations represent more than 40 percent of global trade. So, the rules we establish through this agreement will set the standard for future trade agreements. It will take on unfair practices by state-owned enterprises and the regulatory barriers goods encounter at and behind borders. This will help level the playing field for everyone. The TPP will promote workers’ rights, environmental protections, and build stronger safeguards for intellectual property, improving economic conditions for everyone, not just the few.

 

我们在该地区最重要的经济目标是完成跨太平洋伙伴关系谈判并获得国会的批准。12个跨太平洋伙伴关系谈判成员国代表了40%以上的全球贸易。因此，我们通过跨太平洋伙伴关系协定确立的规则将为未来贸易协定设定标准。它将致力解决国有企业采取的不公平做法以及商品在国界和国界内所遭遇的监管壁垒。这将有助于为各方创造公平的竞争环境。跨太平洋伙伴关系将促进劳工权利和环境保护，并建立对知识产权更强有力的保障，从而改善所有人而不仅仅是少数人的经济状况。

 

We welcome any nation that is willing to live up to the high-standards of this agreement to join and share in the benefits of the TPP, and that includes China. The TPP can be the core of a far broader agreement expanding to countries across the Asia Pacific. To help realize that vision, we are working to negotiate a series of agreements with ASEAN that will put those countries in a better position to join high-standard trade agreements like the TPP. ASEAN represents a $2.5 trillion economic block that contains some of the fastest growing countries in Asia, as well as some of its poorest.

 

我们欢迎任何愿意秉持跨太平洋伙伴关系协定高标准的国家加入跨太平洋伙伴关系并分享其带来的惠益，这也包括中国在内。跨太平洋伙伴关系可以成为一个扩展至整个亚太地区国家的广泛得多的协定的核心。为了帮助实现这一构想，我们正在努力与东盟谈判达成一系列协议，使东盟国家有更好的准备加入跨太平洋伙伴关系等高标准的贸易协定。东盟代表了一个2.5万亿美元的经济区，其中包括亚洲一些增长最快的国家，但也包括一些最贫穷的国家。

 

Helping these dynamic economies improve their policies on key issues, like investment principles, will benefit them. It will also foster even greater trade and investment opportunities for the United States in Southeast Asia. By 2030, India is projected to have the largest population of any country in the world and the third-largest economy. During the past decade, India and the United States have developed a valued global partnership, and President Obama aims to make the next decade even more transformative. From the Look East Policy to India’s contributions to maritime security and its expanding involvement in regional organizations, India has much to offer Asia and the world. Together, our nations launched a new clean energy partnership, mobilizing billions of dollars in public and private investment for solar, wind, and alternative energy projects in India. And, our governments have joined with private sector partners in both countries to launch a $2 billion infrastructure debt fund – the first of hopefully many future funds meant to attract financing for Indian infrastructure projects. We look forward to deepening our cooperation across the broad spectrum of our relationship.

 

帮助这些充满活力的经济体改善在投资原则等关键问题上的政策将使他们受益。这也将为美国带来在东南亚从事贸易和投资的更大的机会。预计到2030年，印度将成为世界上人口最多的国家和第三大经济体。在过去10年里，印度和美国已建立起重要的全球伙伴关系，而欧巴马总统的目标是使未来10年更具变革性。从东向政策到印度对海上安全的贡献及其不断扩大参与区域组织事务，印度能对亚洲和世界作出诸多贡献。我们两国共同发起了新的清洁能源伙伴关系，调动了数10亿美元的公共和私人投资用于印度的太阳能、风能和替代性能源项目。并且，我们两国政府已经联合两国的私营行业合作伙伴启动了一个20亿美元的基础设施债务基金——这是第一个，希望今后还会有许多旨在为印度基础设施项目吸引融资的基金。我们期待加深在两国关系的广泛领域中的合作。

 

The United States also seeks to elevate our economic relationship with China in the years ahead. Last week, China’s leaders announced plans for sweeping reforms that, if realized, could go a long way towards leveling the playing field for private and foreign investors and moving China’s economy towards market principles. That’s an opportunity we must seize.

 

美国也力求在近年提升我们与中国的经济关系。上周，中国领导人宣布了大刀阔斧的改革计划，如果计划的目标能够实现，将大大有助于为民营和外国投资者创造公平的竞争环境，并有助于推动中国经济转向市场原则。这是我们必须抓住的机会。

 

But even as we increase trade and pursue a bilateral investment treaty, we will continue insisting on tangible progress in areas that matter to U.S. businesses and workers. These include: China continuing to move towards a market-determined exchange rate; increasing U.S. access to Chinese markets; and bolstering protections for U.S. companies’ intellectual property rights and trade secrets, especially against state-sponsored cyber theft.

 

但是，即使在我们扩大贸易并努力达成双边投资条约时，我们仍将继续坚持在对美国企业和员工非常重要的领域取得具体的进展。这包括：中国继续转向由市场决定汇率；扩大美国在中国市场的准入；以及加强对美国企业的知识产权和商业机密的保护，尤其是防范得到国家支持的网络窃取行为。

 

Cyber-enabled economic espionage hurts China as well as the U.S., because American businesses are increasingly concerned about the costs of doing business in China. If meaningful action is not taken now, this behavior will undermine the economic relationship that benefits both our nations. As the world’s two largest energy consumers, energy producers, and greenhouse gas emitters, the U.S. and China also have a duty to lead together to tackle climate change and spur the global transition to a low-carbon energy future. Last June, Presidents Obama and Xi reached an historic agreement to phase out certain potent greenhouse gases.

 

以网络为手段的经济间谍活动既损害美国，也损害中国，因为美国企业日益担忧在中国开展业务的代价。如果现在不采取有意义的行动，那么网络窃取行为便将破坏使两国受益的经济关系。作为世界上最大的两个能源消费国、能源生产国和温室气体排放国，美国和中国也有责任共同带头应对气候变化并推动全球向低碳能源未来转型。去年6月，欧巴马总统和习近平主席达成了逐步减少某些主要温室气体的历史性协议。

 

In July, we launched initiatives under the U.S.-China Climate Change Working Group to scale up successful technologies and policies around heavy duty vehicles, smart grids, and carbon capture and sequestration. Given that Asian economies will be the strongest driver of energy demand in the coming decades, how the region meets its energy needs will have critical implications for global energy supply and climate security. We have a vested interest in shifting the global energy mix to cleaner, low-carbon, and more efficient energy technologies. As we work toward this goal in Asia, we will partner with regional leaders in renewable and clean-energy technologies, like India, Taiwan, Japan and South Korea, to bring these technologies to the market.

 

7月，我们通过美中气候变化工作组发起了若干行动计划，以推广重型车辆、智能电网和碳捕集与封存方面的成功技术和政策。鉴于亚洲经济体在未来几十年将是能源需求的最大驱动力，亚洲地区如何满足其能源需求将对全球能源供应和气候安全产生至关重要的影响。我们在将全球能源结构转向更清洁、更高效的低碳能源技术方面有着既得利益。在我们努力在亚洲实现这一目标的过程中，我们将与印度、台湾、日本和韩国等可持续及清洁能源技术的区域领导者合作，将这些技术推向市场。

 

We are also promoting cleaner-burning natural gas, as well as safe and secure nuclear energy, to meet the region’s rising energy demand with lower-carbon alternatives. Another key driver of global economic growth and development is the expansion of women’s participation in the workforce throughout the Asia Pacific. This single change has the potential to do the most good for the greatest number of people. In developed countries like Japan, fuller participation in the workforce by women could increase per capita GDP by as much as four percent. And, it’s no coincidence that in the Philippines, where they are making strong progress to close the gender gap, they also have one of the fastest growing economies in the region. The World Economic Forum has shown that those two factors are closely correlated. Simply put, the smaller the gender gap, the stronger the economic growth.

 

我们也正在推广清洁燃烧型天然气和安全可靠的核能，以低碳替代品满足亚洲地区不断上升的能源需求。全球经济增长和发展的另一个关键驱动力是扩大整个亚太地区女性参与劳动市场的程度。单单这项变革就有可能让最多的人口得到最大的惠益。在像日本这样的发达国家，女性更充分地加入劳动市场可将人均国内生产总值提高4个百分点。绝非巧合的是，菲律宾在缩小性别差距方面正在取得重大进展，而它也是亚洲增长最快的经济体之一。世界经济论坛已经表明这两个因素密切相关。简而言之，性别差距越小，经济增长就越强劲。