国际货币基金组织总裁拉加德在伦敦发表2014年汀伯比演讲（中英对照）

A Multilateralism for a New Era

新时代的多边主义

I have talked tonight about the main pressure points that will dominate the global economy in the years to come—the tension between coming together and drifting apart; and the tension between staying strong and slowing down. I have talked about pressures that would have seemed familiar a century ago, and some that are entirely new.

今晚我讲了将在未来若干年里将主导全球经济的两个主要压力——越走越近和渐行渐远之间的紧张；保持强劲增长和增长减缓之间的紧张。我刚才谈的一些压力点在一个世纪前似乎就已存在过，而另一些压力则是全新的。

Now, how do we manage these pressure points? Where are the solutions?

那么，我们应如何来处理这些压力点？解决方案在哪里？

Overcoming the first tension really boils down to a simple question: do we cooperate as a global family or do we confront each other across the trenches of insularity? Are we friends or are we foes? Overcoming the second tension requires us to face common threats that are not bound by borders. Do we face adversity together, or do we build yet more borders and Maginot Lines that will be mere illusionary protections?

克服第一种紧张可以归结为一个简单的问题：我们是以一个全球大家庭的方式合作，还是画地为牢，彼此对抗？我们是朋友还是敌人？克服第二种紧张要求我们齐心面对那些超越边界的共同威胁。面对困难，我们是一起并肩战斗，还是筑起更多高墙和马奇诺防线，天真地幻想能独善其身？

The response to both tensions is therefore the same: a renewed commitment to international cooperation; to putting global interest above self-interest; to multilateralism.

因此，解决两种紧张的方法是一致的：再次坚定承诺国际合作、把全球利益置于自身利益之上、采取多边主义。

As Martin Luther King once said, “We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly.”

正如马丁•路德•金说过的，“我们都无可逃避地困在一个彼此联络的网中，共同的命运将我们罩在一起。一件事情能直接影响一个人，也同时间接影响着所有的人”。 

This is really an old lesson for a new era. At such a momentous time as this, we need to choose the ethos of 1944 over 1914. We need to rekindle the Bretton Woods spirit that has served us so well.

这是一个适用于新时代的老箴言。在这样一个关键时刻，我们需要崇尚的是1944年的风气，而不是1914年的。我们需要让布雷顿森林精神，这个我们因之获益良多的精神，在我们的时代重新燃起。

That does not mean, however, that we need to go back to the drawing board.

然而，这并不意味着我们需要白手起家，从头开始。

Thanks to the inheritance of history, we have specific, working, forms of cooperation at hand. Again, think about the United Nations, the World Bank, the World Trade Organization—and of course the IMF. We might call these concrete—or “hard”—forms of global governance.

由于历史的传承，我们目下就有具体的、有效的合作方式——例如联合国、世界银行、世界贸易组织，当然还有基金组织。我们不妨称其为“有形的”或“硬的”全球治理工具。

We also have a number of “soft” instruments, such as the G20 at one end and networks of non-government organizations at the other. These entities have no formal mandates or legal powers of enforcement, but they do have value. They can move quickly and they can wedge open the doors of dialogue. And, as Winston Churchill famously said, “to jaw-jaw is always better than to war-war”!

我们也有一些“软”工具，如20国集团，再例如非政府组织网络。这些实体没有正式的授权，也没有执法权力，但它们确实有价值。他们可以快速行动，他们可以开启对话的大门。而且，正如温斯顿•丘吉尔的名言，“吵吵总比打打好”！

We have seen the power of multilateralism in action, both “hard” and “soft”. For an example of soft cooperation, we need look no further than right here in London five years ago, when the G20 countries rallied to turn back the tide of crisis, and made sure the world did not slip into a second Great Depression.

我们已经见证了多边主义的力量，无论是“硬的”还是“软的”。至于软合作的典范，我们只需要回顾五年前的伦敦，当时20国集团国家一起商讨如何抗击危机浪潮，确保世界不会陷入第二次大萧条。

As for more concrete forms, I invite you to consider the historic role played by the IMF down through the years—helping Europe after the war, the new nations of Africa and Asia after independence, the former eastern bloc after the Iron Curtain fell, and Latin America and Asia after crippling crisis. During the current crisis, we made 154 new lending commitments, disbursed $182 billion to countries in need, and provided technical assistance to 90 percent of our member nations. And we have 188 of them.

至于更“有形的”形式，我请你们思考基金组织曾发挥的历史性作用：战后帮助欧洲、帮助新独立的非洲和亚洲国家、铁幕解体之后帮助前苏东阵营国家，以及在发生破坏性危机之后帮助拉丁美洲和亚洲。在当前的这次危机中，我们做出154个新的贷款承诺，向需要贷款的国家拨付了1820亿美元，向90%的成员国提供了技术援助。而今，我们共有188个成员国。

The beauty of the new multilateralism is that it can build on the old—but go further. The existing instruments of cooperation have proven extremely successful over the past decades, and they must be preserved and protected. That means that institutions like the IMF must be brought fully up to date, and made fully representative of the changing dynamics of the global economy. We are working on that.

新多边主义的优点在于它可以建立在旧的多边主义基础之上，但可以走的更远。现有的合作工具在过去几十年里已经被证明是非常有效的。因此，基金组织这样的机构必须与时俱进，能充分代表全球经济的变化。我们正在朝此目标努力。

More broadly, the new multilateralism must be made more inclusive—encompassing not only the emerging powers across the globe, but also the expanding networks and coalitions that are now deeply embedded in the fabric of the global economy. The new multilateralism must have the capacity to listen and respond to those new voices.

更广泛地说，新多边主义必须更具包容性，不仅包括世界各地的新兴大国，同时也须纳入那些深深植根于全球经济组织中的不断扩大的网络和联盟。新多边主义必须有能力倾听，并对新的声音作出反应。

The new multilateralism also needs to be agile, making sure that soft and hard forms of collaboration complement rather than compete with each other. It needs to promote a long-term perspective and a global mentality, and be decisive in the short term—to overcome the temptation toward insularity and muddling through.

新的多边主义也需要保持灵活性，确保软的和硬的合作方式可以互为补充，而不是相互竞争。它需要鼓励长远视角和全球性思维，并在短期内形成果断作风——克服偏狭和得过且过的倾向。

Fundamentally, it needs to instill a broader sense of social responsibility on the part of all players in the modern global economy. It needs to instill the values of a global civil market economy—a global “guild hall”, as it were.

从根本上说，新多边主义应赋予现代全球经济中的所有参与者广泛的社会责任感。它还需建立起一种全球民众市场经济的价值观念，成为一个全球的“行会公所”。

What might this mean in practice? It clearly means many things, starting with all global stakeholders taking collective responsibility for managing the complex channels of the hyperconnected world.

在实践中，如何实现这一多边主义？这显然需要很多工作，首先，全球利益相关者需要共同担负起管理超级互联世界的种种复杂传导渠道的责任。

For a start, that means a renewed commitment to openness, and to the mutual benefits of trade and foreign investment.

首先，各方还需要对开放原则以及贸易和外国投资的互惠互利意义作出新的承诺。

It also requires collective responsibility for managing an international monetary system that has traveled light years since the old Bretton Woods system. The collective responsibility would translate into all monetary institutions cooperating closely—mindful of the potential impact of their policies on others.

各方还应担负起集体管理国际货币体系的责任，如今的体系与旧的布雷顿森林体系已经相去甚远。集体责任感能促成所有货币机构的更紧密合作，从而注重各自政策对其他机构的影响。

In turn, that means we need a financial system for the 21st century. What do I mean by that?

再进一步，这还意味着我们需要建立一个 21世纪的金融体系。这是什么意思？

I mean a financial system that serves the productive economy rather than its own purposes, where jurisdictions only seek their own advantage provided that the greater global good prevails and with a regulatory structure that is global in reach. I mean financial oversight that is effective in clamping down on excess while making sure that credit gets to where it is most needed. I also mean a financial structure in which industry takes co-responsibility for the integrity of the system as a whole, where culture is taken as seriously as capital, and where the ethos is to serve rather than rule the real economy.

我的意思是建立一个服务于生产性经济活动而非自身利益的金融体系，在此体系下，一个管辖区只有在顾全全球利益的基础上才会去寻求自己的利益，并且，这个体系还应具有一个有全球影响力的监管框架。这个金融监管框架应能确保制止金融过度，同时又让最需要的人获得信贷。在这个结构下，金融业作为一个整体担负着维护体系完整性的共同责任，在这个金融结构下，对文化的重视程度将与资本一样，业界的风尚应是为实体经济服务，而不是统治实体经济。

This has special resonance right here in the City of London. As a financial center with global reach, it must be a financial center with global responsibility. And with all due respect and admiration, that goes beyond hiring a Canadian to head the Bank of England!

在伦敦市，上述设想应能激起尤其热烈的共鸣。作为一个有着全球影响力的金融中心，伦敦应该秉承一种全球责任感。除了聘请一个加拿大人做英格兰银行行长（对此我深表敬意和钦佩），我们还需要更多的努力。

We also need the new 21st century multilateralism to get to grips with big ticket items like climate change and inequality. On these issues, no country can stand alone. Combating climate change will require the concerted resolve of all stakeholders working together—governments, cities, corporations, civil society, and even private citizens. Countries also need to come together to address inequality. As but one example, if countries compete for business by lowering taxes on corporate income, this could make inequality worse.

我们还需要运用新的21世纪的多边主义去重点解决一些大的问题，如气候变化和不平等。在这些问题上，任何国家都不能单独行动。应对气候变化要求所有利益相关者的共同努力的决心，这些相关者包括政府、城市、企业、民间团体，进而包括每个公民。各国也需要走到一起，共同解决不平等问题。举一个例子，如果各个国家竞相通过降低企业所得税争取业务，这样会导致不平等现象恶化。

Overall, the kind of 21st century cooperation I am thinking of will not come easy. It might get even harder as time passes, when the curtains fall on this crisis, when complacency sets in--even as the seeds of the next crisis perhaps are being planted.

总的来说，我所思考的 21世纪的合作并不简单。随着时间的推移，当危机落幕，当沾沾自喜情绪出现时——甚至，这也可能为下一次危机播下了种子——这种合作可能会更困难。

Yet given the currents that will dominate the coming decades, do we really have a choice? A new multilateralism is non-negotiable.

然而，鉴于上述将主导未来几十年的涌流，我们真的有选择的余地吗？没有，新的多边主义是唯一的选择。

Conclusion

结论

On that note, let me end by going back again to the beginning—to Keynes and that famous tryst with destiny.

关于这一点，让我再次回到开始提到的凯恩斯和那个著名的与命运的风云际会。

Referring to that great multilateral moment, he noted that “if we can so continue, this nightmare, in which most of us here present have spent too much of our lives, will be over. The brotherhood of man will have become more than a phrase.”

关于那次伟大的多边时刻，他指出：“如果我们能够这样继续下去，那么这场我们在座的多数人经历了太久时间的梦魇终将过去。四海一家，将不再只是一个口号。” 

History proved Keynes right. Our forefathers vanquished the demons of the past, bequeathing to us a better world—and our generation was the main beneficiary.

历史证明，凯恩斯是正确的。我们的祖先击败了过去时代的魔鬼，给我们留下一个更美好的世界——我们这一代正是主要的受益者。

We are where we are today because of the foundation laid by the generation before us.

我们之所以有今天，是因为我们的先辈为我们奠定了基础。

Now it is our turn—to pave the way for the next generation. Are we up to the challenge? Our future depends on the answer to that question.

现在，轮到我们为下一代铺平道路了。我们是否做好了迎接挑战的准备？我们的未来取决于我们对这个问题的回答。

Thank you very much.

谢谢大家！