联合国助理秘书长徐浩良在“变革中的全球治理”国际会议上的演讲（中英对照）

Speech at the International Conference on Transforming Global Governance: China and the United Nations

在“变革中的全球治理：中国与联合国”国际会议上的演讲

Mr. Haoliang Xu, UN Assistant Secretary-General and UNDP Regional Director for Asia and the Pacific

联合国助理秘书长、联合国开发计划署亚太局局长徐浩良

13-14 January 2014, Shanghai, China

2014年1月13日～14日，中国上海

Dear friends and colleagues, distinguished participants,

亲爱的各位朋友、各位同事，尊敬的各位来宾：

It is my great pleasure to attend this important and timely conference on “Transformative Global Governance: China and the United Nations”.  I thank the organizers for inviting me to attend and speak today.  In 2012 UNDP and China Center for International Economic Exchange jointly undertook a project and organized a High-Level Forum on Global Governance and published a report titled “Reconfiguring Global Governance: Effectiveness, Inclusiveness and China’s Global Role”, available in English and Chinese.  We collaborated with the MFA in that project, and I am very happy that the discussions at this conference will generate new wisdom for this important subject.

我很高兴能参与此次“变革中的全球治理：中国与联合国”国际会议，此次会议意义重大，正当其时。感谢主办方邀请我到此演讲。2012年，联合国开发计划署和中国国际经济交流中心发起了一个联合项目，组织了全球治理高层政策论坛，并出版了中英文版的《重构全球治理——有效性、包容性及中国的全球角色》报告。在该联合项目中，我们与外交部合作。我很欣慰地看到，本次会议上的交流讨论将为全球治理这一重要领域提供新的真知灼见。

The rapid growth and socio-economic development achieved in recent decades by many formerly low-income countries has resulted in a pool of finance, technology and human capital that can be used to help other developing countries with their own development transformations.  These emerging countries also have relevant experiences to share, having recently dealt with and overcome many of the same challenges.  The 2013 Human Development Report, called “The Rise of the South: Human Progress in a Diverse World” highlighted these new realities, noting that the emerging powers are already sources of innovative social and economic policies; that their importance as economic partners for other developing countries is rising; and that they warrant a stronger role in international governance institutions.

近几十年来，许多曾经的低收入国家取得了较快的增长和社会经济发展，带来了许多资金、技术及人力资本，可用于帮助其他发展中国家，促进发展改革和转型。这些新兴经济体近期克服了许多相同的挑战，因此也有许多经验可供借鉴。名为《南方的崛起：多元化世界中的人类进步》的2013年人类发展报告强调了这些新的事实，并指出：新型经济体已经成为社会经济政策的创新源泉；新型经济体作为其他发展中国家的经济合作伙伴，其作用愈发重要；新型经济体必将在国际治理体系中扮演更重要的角色。

The most populous country, second largest economy, the largest country in goods traded, China is emerging as a leader in many aspects of global affairs and is exerting its influence over emerging institutions, processes and norms of global governance.  A founding member of the United Nations and a permanent member of the UN’s Security Council, China’s assessed contribution has increased significantly in recent years and is today the sixth largest contributor to UN’s peacekeeping budget and the largest troop contributor to UN peacekeeping operations among the five permanent members of the Security Council.

中国是世界人口第一大国、世界第二大经济体，也是世界最大的货物贸易国。中国在许多方面正逐渐成为国际事务的领导者，并对新兴的国际治理制度、进程和规范发挥日益重要的影响。中国是联合国的创始成员国，也是联合国安理会常任理事国。近年来，中国对联合国的贡献日益突出，已经成为联合国维和费用的第六大缴费国，中国维和部队人数是五个常任理事国中最多的。

As a result, the world’s expectations of China have also changed.  These expectations are diverse, spanning areas of peace and security, trade and investment, human rights, governance and international development cooperation.  At the same time, it is important to recognize that, despite its great achievements in many fields, China remains a developing country with multitude of development challenges and that China wants to position itself as a developing country.  China’s GDP per capita is $6,091 compared to Norway’s $99,558, USA’s $51,749, Japan’s $46,720, Germany’s $41,863 and Malaysia’s $10,432, to name just a few (WB 2013).  China still has nearly 100 million rural poor according to 2012 government statistics, with a Gini coefficient of 0.474.  For those who live in China, they know too well the challenges China faces in environment protection and sustainable development.  The consequences of decades of rapid economic development, coupled with insufficient attention to and enforcement of existing laws, air pollution, land and water pollution, food security are affecting hundreds of millions of people every day.  The side effects of massive urbanization, for example, in terms of jobs for young people, the psychological health of rural population new to urban settings, and sustainable development of cities, are also begin to be felt.  After all, the Human Development Index of China is only 0.699 with a rank of 101, compared to 0.955 of Norway (#1), 0.937 of the US (#3), 0.920 of Germany (#5), 0. 912 of Japan (#10) and 0.769 of Malaysia (#64).

因此，世界对中国的期待也发生了变化。世界对中国的期待更加多元化，涉及和平与安全、贸易与投资、人权、治理和国际发展合作等诸多方面。与此同时，我们必须意识到：尽管中国在许多领域取得了成功，但是中国仍是一个发展中国家，面临诸多发展问题，并且中国也将自身定位成发展中国家。根据世界银行2013年的数据，中国的人均GDP为6091美元，远远低于挪威的99558美元，美国51749美元，日本46720美元，德国41863美元和马来西亚的10432美元。根据2012年的官方数据，中国仍有近1亿农村贫困人口，基尼系数达0.474。居住在中国的人都能充分理解，中国在环境保护和可持续发展方面正面临严峻挑战。由于数十年的快速经济发展，以及对现行法律的疏忽和执法不力，当前，空气污染、土地和水污染及粮食安全问题正影响着数以千万计的中国人。大规模城市化的副作用也日渐显现，如青年就业问题、农民工在城市新环境中的心理问题以及城市的可持续发展问题。中国的人类发展指数仅为0.699，排在世界第101位，排名第一的挪威为0.955，第三位美国为0.937，第10位日本为0.912，第64位马来西亚为0.769。

But these issues do not change the fact that the world’s expectations of China have changed.  As China continues to develop its economy and society, China cares and needs to care more about how China is perceived in the world, and how China should respond to the world’s expectations.  This concerns not only the political, security, trade and investment spheres.  It also concerns another critical area where the landscape has changed rapidly in recent years and where China can exercise a powerful leadership role: development and humanitarian cooperation, which I will focus on today.

尽管存在上述问题，但是世界对中国的期待的确已经发生了改变。中国的经济和社会将会继续发展。与此同时，中国将更加注重自身的国际形象，积极回应世界对中国的期待。这不仅关乎政治、安全、贸易和投资，而且关乎另一个极其重要的领域，这一领域近年来变化迅速，中国在该领域中可以发挥强有力的领导作用——这就是发展和人道主义合作领域，我今天的发言也将围绕这一领域展开。

China has already supported other developing countries around the world for decades, investing to help build public infrastructure, transferring knowledge and technologies, and building the capacity of officials and others.  It has also made valuable contributions to help countries recover and rebuild after disasters. According to various estimates, China’s ODA is at least $4 b a year. China has always maintained that its development assistance is based on South-South Cooperation and for bilateral cooperation.  The 2011,  China’s White Paper on Foreign Aid states clearly that China’s assistance is provided based on the principles of “adhering to equality and mutual benefit, stressing substantial results and keeping pace with the times without imposing any political conditions on recipient countries”.  The Paper also states that “China’s foreign aid is provided mainly through bilateral channels.  At the same time, China also has done its best to support and participate in aid programs initiated by organizations like the United Nations, and has actively conducted exchanges and explored practical cooperation with multilateral organizations and other countries in the field of development assistance with an open-minded attitude”. 

过去几十年来，中国已经支援了全球许多其他的发展中国家，投资公共基础设施建设、进行知识和技术转移、培训政府官员等等。中国还帮助许多受灾国家重建家园，作出了杰出贡献。2013年，亚洲开发研究所回顾了金砖五国的发展合作，估算出中国每年提供的援助至少价值40亿美元。中国一贯坚持在南南合作和双边合作的基础上提供发展援助。2011年《中国的对外援助》白皮书明确指出，中国的对外援助基于“平等互利，注重实效，与时俱进，不附带任何政治条件”的原则。白皮书还指出，“中国的对外援助以提供双边援助为主，同时在力所能及的前提下支持和参与联合国等多边机构的发展援助工作，并本着开放的态度同多边组织和其他国家在发展援助领域积极开展交流，探讨务实合作。”

Therefore, granted that China contributes to all Specialized Agencies through membership dues and does use multilateral channels including various UN agencies and programmes, especially when it comes to major disasters, its foreign assistance is predominantly delivered as bilateral assistance, through MOFCOM and others. It is concerned, I believe, that if it uses multilateral agencies such as the UN more, it risks being seen more as a donor - with its attendant characteristics – and less as a developing country, still in need of development and in firm solidarity with other developing countries.

因此，尽管中国通过缴纳会费，在所有联合国专门机构中都作出了贡献，并通过包括联合国机构和计划在内的多边渠道进行对外援助，尤其是灾后援助，但是，中国的对外援助仍以双边援助为主，主要由商务部负责。我认为，中国有如下顾虑：如果中国更多地利用联合国等多边机构进行对外援助，这样一来，中国就有可能会被视为援助国，而非发展中国家。中国仍需要发展，并且与所有发展中国家紧密团结在一起。

There is a need as well as scope, however, for innovation in developing new thinking and new approaches, for exploration of other delivery modalities for China’s external assistance and for deeper engagement in global as well as country level platforms.  In this discussion, I would like to focus on a few questions concerning China’s external assistance, sharing some thoughts on how China and the UN can work together more effectively in future.  They include China’s use of the UN as a means for delivering China’s assistance and its internal decision making and coordination mechanism, the value that the UN offers to China and what China can gain by working through the UN, the need for China to take advantage of various platforms of dialogue for development cooperation and the need for China to cultivate a generation of young professionals to further develop its assistance programme.

同时，现在有这个需要，也有这个空间让中国发展创新思维和新方法，使中国能够更好地探寻对外援助的新方式， 并且深化在国际与国家级别的平台上的参与度。在这次讨论中，我将关注于一些关于中国对外援助的议题，并分享关于中国和联合国未来应当如何更高效合作开展工作的想法。这包括中国发挥联合国在开展中国对外援助以及其内部决策和协调机制的积极作用；联合国对于中国的价值和中国与联合国合作所能获得的收益；中国需要通过从多渠道的发展合作对话获益；以及中国需要培养年轻的专业人士进一步发展其援助项目。

As I mentioned earlier, China’s contributions to the UN development agencies have been relatively limited to membership dues of specialized agencies, via the various corresponding line ministries.  In addition to responding to humanitarian crises with financial and material assistance, including through contributions to the UN, China also makes contributions to the UN’s development funds and programmes, such as UNDP, UNICEF, UNFPA and UN Women.  But this funding is very limited.  In 2013, for example, China’s combined contributions to UNDP reached a historical high of $6 m, including funding earmarked for supporting trilateral and South-South cooperation.  Its contribution to UNICEF is $1.5 m and to UNFPA is $1.2 m. The reason, I can understand, is because China is a developing country and is still, in fact, receiving aid.

如我之前所提到的，中国在各个联合国发展机构的贡献某程度上被局限于透过各个相关部委对联合国专门机构提供的会费。为应对人道主义危机所提供财政和重要援助，包括对联合国的贡献，中国还对联合国发展的基金和项目做出贡献，如联合国开发计划署，联合国儿童基金会，联合国人口活动基金会和联合国妇女署。但这类资金很有限。举例来说，在2013年，中国对联合国开发计划署的贡献创下历史新高，达到6百万，其中包括支持三边合作、南南合作的专项资金。我可以理解其中缘由，这是因为中国是一个发展中国家，事实上还在接受援助。

At the same time, however, one cannot but note that China contributes significantly to the WB and other International Financial Institutions (IFIs).  Based on information on the IFIs’ websites, at the end of the last fiscal year, China has 5.76% ($12.9 b) of the subscribed capital and is the 3rd biggest shareholder after the US and Japan.  In 2010, China paid $161 m to IDA 16th replenishment, among other contributions to smaller trust funds.  China also paid $80 m between 2006-2012 to the WB in its capacity as trustees of various so-called global vertical funds, such as GEF, CGIAR and GFATM (while China is a beneficiary of some of the funds themselves).  For ADB, China’s contribution to last ADF replenishment in 2012 is $ 45 m, and to replenish PRC Regional Cooperation and Poverty Reduction Fund in 2012 is $20 m. You can tell a similar story with regard to AfDB.

但是，与此同时，众所周知，中国对世界银行和其他国际金融机构都作出了巨大贡献。根据我在这些机构网站上查到的资料，中国在世界银行的认购股份占5.76%（129亿美元），是仅次于美国和日本的第三大会员国。2010年，中国向国际开发协会第16次补充资金会议支付了1.61亿美元，并向其他信托基金注资。2006年至2011年，中国还向世界银行作为各种全球纵向基金的信托人提供了8000万美元，包括全球环境基金、适应基金、特别气候变化基金及抗击艾滋病、结核病和疟疾全球基金等（中国也是其中一些基金的受益国）。在亚洲开发银行方面，中国最近向亚洲开发银行注资6500万美元，向技术援助专项基金注资641万美元，2012年向中国减贫与区域合作基金注入补充资金2000万美元。同样，中国也对非洲开发银行提供了可观的资金。

Why the difference?  Isn’t there a problem of logic where, at least it appears, China sees more value in institutions with weighted voting system and much less so  in the UN development system where everyone has an equal representation?  Is China’s voice important more in IFIs?  Is there any evidence that China gets more value for money from IFIs?  Or is this because who sets the priority and who pulls the purse strings?  The WB lends about $25 to $30 b a year in development financing.  UNDP alone delivers $5 b grant assistance a year.

为什么会有这样的差距？这其中是否存在一个逻辑问题，至少表象看来如此，中国是否更加重视加权表决系统的机构，而不那么看重各国都拥有平等参与权的联合国发展相关系统？中国在国际金融机构中有更多的话语权？有证据能够证明中国在国际金融机构的投入回报率更高吗？还是看谁在决定工作的重点？世界银行为发展金融每年提供250至300亿美元的贷款。但仅联合国开发计划署每年就提供5亿美元无偿援助。

One can argue that the UN development system combined is no less significant than the WB.  I mention this not because I think the IFIs are not important, I do so to use the example to question, for instance, whether strategic questions such as mentioned earlier are being closely examined systematically and whether the current inter-ministerial coordinating mechanism (e.g. MFA-MOFCOM-MOF co-lead, I understand) is working effectively and serving its purpose.  As China seeks to develop its relations with the UN, as China seeks to increase its soft power, I think it is important that we look at these questions.

可以说，如果把联合国不同机构的项目支出总和起来，联合国发展系统与世界银行重要性很难区分。我提到这些并不是因为我认为国际金融机构不重要，我只是用这个例子来发问，比如之前提到过的战略问题是否被系统地进行检测，现行部委之间的协调机制（如中国外交部-中国商务部-中国财政部，这些机构共同负责）是否有效并起到它该起的作用。既然中国追求发展其与联合国的关系，追求发展其软实力，我认为我们需要重视这些问题。