克里国务卿在约翰·霍普金斯高级国际研究学院发表的讲话（中英对照）

英文版：Remarks on U.S.-China Relations.doc

中文版：克里就美中关系发表讲话.doc

Remarks on U.S.-China Relations

关于美中关系的讲话

 

John Kerry, Secretary of State

国务卿约翰·克里

 

Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies

约翰·霍普金斯高级国际研究学院

 

Washington, DC

华盛顿哥伦比亚特区

 

November 4, 2014

2014年11月4日

 

Well, thank you very much, Dean Nasr. I’ve had the privilege of knowing Vali for a while. When I was in the Senate, he was a very valuable advisor, and I can remember coming down to the State Department and meeting with him and with Richard Holbrooke and others in the early days of working on what was then called AfPak – Afghanistan, Pakistan, and particularly Afghanistan. So Vali, thank you for your journey. Thanks for imparting your wisdom here at SAIS.

 

谢谢。十分感谢你，迪安·纳泽。我有幸很早就认识瓦利。我在参议院工作期间，他就是一位十分重要的顾问。我记得，早年在为阿富汗、巴基斯坦问题，特别是阿富汗问题工作时，来到国务院与他和理查德·霍尔布鲁克等人会见的情景。瓦利，谢谢你的莅临。感谢你为SAIS贡献你的智慧。

 

And thank you all very, very much here at SAIS for allowing me to come here today to share a few thoughts with you about this special relationship with China, an important relationship. And I’m happy to be here, staring at a lot of mobile devices. (Laughter.) It’s a whole new world out there. I’ll tell you, when I ran for president in 2004 I never saw this barrage of rectangular devices facing you when you were talking. (Laughter.) It was usually just one, and it was the opposition guy, listening to everything you said in order to get you into trouble, if you didn’t get yourself into trouble.

 

十分、十分感谢SAIS全体人员使我今天有机会来到这里，与你们谈谈涉及与中国的这种特殊关系的一些想法。这是很重要的关系。我很高兴来到这里，眼前有很多移动设备。（笑声）这是一个崭新的世界。我可以告诉你们，2004年我竞选总统期间，从来没有在讲话的时候面对这种长方形设备一字排开的阵势。（笑声）那时候往往只有一个人，就是对方人员听你说的每一句话，为的是给你找麻烦，如果你没有自找麻烦的话。

 

Anyway, I’m getting ready to leave in a very few hours – in fact, I go directly from here to the airport – on a typical Secretary of State journey – to Paris this evening, meetings tomorrow, then to Beijing, to Muscat, discussions on Iran nuclear program, then back to Beijing for bilateral meetings with the Chinese Government, then back to somewhere, perhaps Washington, but at this moment, with a lot of things in the air, it’s hard to say. So it’s nice for me to get a chance before I take off to talk substance with all of you and to talk about a critical issue before I depart.

 

无论如何，再过几个小时我就准备动身了。实际上，我会直接从这里前往机场——按照国务卿经常性的出访规律——今晚前往巴黎，明天举行会晤，然后去北京、马斯喀特，讨论伊朗核项目问题，再回到北京出席与中国政府的双边会谈，然后返回，可能回到华盛顿。但现在很多情况都没有定，很难说到哪里。所以我很高兴有机会在动身前与你们大家谈谈实际问题，谈谈一个关键的问题。

 

This school was founded during World War II by Paul Nitze and Christian Herter, both of whom I’m very proud to say were from Massachusetts. (Laughter.) They could – they had a great skill, those of you who have read about them, to see that even then, the world was going to be a fundamentally changed place after World War II and that foreign policy makers would need to change with it, not just to keep pace but to set the pace, to express a vision, to be able to see over the horizon and define how the United States would stay strong and lead and join with other countries, increasingly in empowering those other countries. And we did with the Marshall Plan, which as many of you may know, was unpopular at the time, but succeeded in rebuilding whole nations, creating democracies, and setting a new direction.

 

这所学院由保罗·尼采和克里斯琴·赫脱在第二次世界大战期间创建。我很自豪地说，两人都来自马萨诸塞州。（笑声）他们能够——你们已经读到有关他们的报道，他们有过人的睿智，即使在那个年代就预见第二次世界大战后全世界将发生翻天覆地的变化， 对外政策的制定者也必须随之作出改变，不仅需要跟上潮流，而且需要引领大势，提出自己的远见卓识，能够高瞻远瞩，认识到美国怎样才能保持强盛，发挥领导作用，引领其他国家，与其他国家共襄盛举，日益促进其他国家发挥自主能力。我们通过马歇尔计划这样做了，你们很多人都可能知道，当年这个计划很受欢迎，成功地帮助各国进行重建，建立了民主政体，指出了新的方向。

 

The world has continued to change in the 70-plus years since, almost certainly in ways that Herter and Nitze could only have dreamed of. And it has changed, I might say, for the better, despite the headlines and the challenges of religious, radical extremism and terrorism. It has nevertheless changed for the better in large measure precisely because of the careful and creative analysis that these men so believed and hoped would, in fact, shape a world that is more free, more prosperous, and more humane. And despite the headlines and places of tension, the world is, in fact, those things.

 

此后70多年来，全世界简直毫无疑问地以超出赫脱和尼采想象的方式继续发生变化。我可以说，尽管宗教问题、激进的极端主义和恐怖主义成为头条新闻，构成了种种挑战，但形势已经向着更好的方向转化。无论如何局面在很大程度上得到改善，恰恰是因为这些有志之士进行了如此认真和创造性的分析工作，如同他们相信和希望的那样，实际上为世界变得更自由、更繁荣和更人道产生了影响。尽管有这些头条新闻，一些地方仍存在紧张局势，但世界的确已经如此。

 

The great American philosopher Yogi Berra once said, “It’s tough to make predications, especially about the future.” (Laughter.) He really said that. (Laughter.) While I am reminded that speculating about the future is obviously always risky, there are two predictions that I am very certain about. The Asia Pacific is one of the most promising places on the planet, and America’s future and security and prosperity are closely and increasingly linked to that region.

 

美国伟大的哲学家约吉·贝拉曾说过，“预测是很困难的工作，尤其是预测未来。”（笑声）他的确这样说过。（笑声） 我知道，对未来进行预测显然一贯存在风险，但我两项预测很有把握：亚太是全球最有希望的地区之一，而且美国的未来、安全和繁荣与这个地区有紧密的关联，发生越来越多的联系。

 

Back in August, when I was returning from a trip to Burma and Australia, I delivered a speech at the East-West Center in Honolulu about President Obama’s rebalance towards the Asia Pacific and the enormous value that we place on longstanding alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia, Thailand, and the Philippines and our bourgeoning relationships with ASEAN and countries in Southeast Asia. In that speech, I outlined four specific opportunities that define the rebalance, goals if you will.

 

8月份，我从缅甸和澳大利亚访问回来后，曾在夏威夷的东西方中心发表讲话，谈到欧巴马总统向亚太再平衡的问题及我们高度重视与日本、韩国、澳大利亚、泰国和菲律宾的长期联盟关系，以及我们与东南亚国家联盟和东南亚国家蓬勃发展的关系。我在当时的讲话中谈到体现再平衡战略的4个具体机会，或者说是希望实现的目标。

 

First, the opportunity to create sustainable economic growth, which includes finalizing the Trans-Pacific Partnership. The TPP is not only a trade agreement, but also a strategic opportunity for the United States and other Pacific nations to come together, to bind together, so that we can all prosper together. Second, powering a clean energy revolution that will help us address climate change while simultaneously jumpstarting economies around the world. Third, reducing tensions and promoting regional cooperation by strengthening the institutions and reinforcing the norms that contribute to a rules-based, stable region. And fourth, empowering people throughout the Asia Pacific to live with dignity, security, and opportunity.

 

首先，开创可持续经济增长的机会，其中包括最后完成跨太平洋伙伴关系的谈判。跨太平洋伙伴关系不仅仅是一个贸易协定，而且也是美国与其他太平洋国家联系在一起，同心协力实现共同繁荣的战略机遇。其次，推进清洁能源的革命有助于我们战胜气候变化，同时为全世界各经济体发挥激励作用。第三，增进该地区的各项机制，加强有助于促进该地区以规则为准绳和实现稳定的惯例，从而缓和紧张关系，促进地区合作。第四，倡导亚太各地人民在获得尊严、安全和机会的环境下生活的自主权。

 

These are our goals for the rebalance. These are the objectives that we are working to pursue. And we are working together with our allies and our partners across Asia. And these are the goals that the President will discuss with other leaders next week at the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation meeting in Beijing and also at the East Asia Summit that follows in Burma.

 

这些都是我们再平衡的目标。这些都是我们正努力追求的目标。我们正与亚洲各地的盟国和伙伴共同努力。这些都是下星期总统将在北京举行的亚太经合会议及此后在缅甸举行的东亚峰会期间与其他领导人进行讨论的目标。

 

The goal of the rebalance is not a strategic initiative to affect one nation or push people in any direction. It is an inclusive invitation to join in this march towards prosperity, dignity, and stability for countries. I can reaffirm today that the Obama Administration is absolutely committed to seeing through all of these goals.

 

再平衡的目标并不是影响某一个国家的战略举措，也不是为了左右人们的行为，而是一个具有广泛包容性的邀请，希望各国加入这个向繁荣、尊严和稳定进军的行列。今天，我可以重申，欧巴马政府绝对承诺努力实现所有这些目标。

 

But there should be no doubt that a key component of our rebalance strategy is also about strengthening U.S-China relations. Why? Because a stronger relationship between our two nations will benefit not just the United States and China, not just the Asia Pacific, but the world. One of the many very accomplished alumni of this school is China’s Ambassador to the United States Cui Tiankai, and we’re delighted that he’s here today. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador, for being here with us.

 

毫无疑问，我们再平衡战略的一个关键组成部分也关系到增进美中关系。为什么？因为加强我们两国的关系不仅有利于美国和中国，不仅关系到亚太地区，而且关系到全世界。这个学院有众多出类拔萃的校友，其中之一是中国驻美国大使崔天凯。我们很高兴今天他也在座。感谢大使先生莅临。

 

Ambassador Cui spoke at SAIS about one year ago and he described the U.S.-China relationship as, quote, “the most important as well as the most sensitive, the most comprehensive as well as the most complex, and the most promising as well as the most challenging.” All of those attributes are true, but I would respectfully add one more to that list: The U.S.-China relationship is the most consequential in the world today, period, and it will do much to determine the shape of the 21st century.

 

大约一年前，崔大使在SAIS发表讲话，认为美中关系 “最重要，也最敏感；最全面，也最复杂；最有希望，也最具有挑战性。”所有这些特征都的确存在，但是我想冒昧地再加一条：美中关系对今日世界具有最重大的影响。这一点确凿无疑。两国关系将为决定21世纪的走向产生诸多影响。

 

That means that we have to get it right. Since President Obama first took office, that’s exactly what he has focused on doing. What he has worked to build over the past six years and what we are committed to advancing over the next two as well is a principled and productive relationship with China. That’s why he and I have both met each with our Chinese counterparts in person dozens of times. It’s why President Obama hosted the Sunnylands summit last June, shortly after President Xi took office. It’s why a couple of weeks ago, I invited Chinese State Councilor Yang Jiechi and the ambassador and others in his delegation to my hometown of Boston, where we spent a day and a half together charting new opportunities for our bilateral relationship. And it’s why I will join the President in China next week on what will be my fourth trip to the country since I became Secretary of State less than two years ago.

 

这意味着，我们必须正确地加以把握。这正是欧巴马总统自开始执政以来重点进行的工作。他6年多来努力进行的建设以及我们对今后两年继续进行努力作出的承诺是与中国发展重要的和富有成效的关系。正是因为如此，他和我都与中方有关官员面对面进行了数十次会晤。正是因为如此，去年6月习主席上任后不久，欧巴马总统作为东道主主持了森尼兰峰会。正是因为如此，我在几个星期前邀请中国国务委员杨洁篪、大使和代表团其他人员前往我的家乡波士顿访问。我们在那里共同度过了一天半的时间，为我们双方的关系梳理新的机会。正是因为如此，下星期我将陪同总统前往中国，踏上近两年前我担任国务卿以来第4次访问中国的旅程。

 

The sheer size of China and its economy, coupled with the rapid and significant changes that are taking place there, means that our relationship by definition has vast potential. As two of the world’s major powers and largest economies, we have a profound opportunity to set a constructive course on any number of issues, from climate change to global trade, and obviously, we have a fundamental interest in doing so. For that reason, our relationship has to be carefully managed and guided – not by news hooks and grand gestures, but by a long-term strategic vision, by hard work, by good diplomacy, and by good relationships.

 

中国的面积及其经济规模以及目前正在迅速发生的重大变化意味着，从根本上说我们双方的关系具有巨大的潜力。我们作为全世界两个大国和最大的经济体，有广泛的机会为众多的任何问题规划具有建设性的道路，从气候变化到全球贸易。而且很显然，我们这样做符合双方的根本利益。为此，我们双方的关系必须得到认真的管理和指导——不靠什么新的计谋，也无需故作姿态，而是树立长远的战略眼光，辛勤耕耘，凭借健全的外交和良好的关系。

 

It’s important to remember that not too long ago U.S.-China ties were centered on a relatively narrow set of bilateral and regional matters. But today, thanks to focused diplomacy on both sides, the leadership President Obama and President Xi have displayed, our nations are collaborating to tackle some of the most complex global challenges that the world has ever seen. And we’re able to do that because together our nations are working closely in order to avoid the historic pitfall of strategic rivalry between an emerging power and an existing power. Instead, we’re focused on the steps that we need to ensure that we not only coexist, but that we cooperate.

 

不要忘记，不久前美中之间的联系仍然以相对狭隘的双边和地区性事务为中心。但是今天，拜双方的重点外交及欧巴马总统和习主席发挥领导作用之赐，我们两国正合作应对一些全世界前所未有的最复杂的全球性挑战。我们能够做到这一点，因为我们两国正共同努力，密切合作，要求避免一个新兴大国和一个已确立的大国落入战略对手的历史性陷阱。我们正重点规划必要的步骤，保证我们不仅能够共同相处，而且相互合作。

 

America’s China policy is really built on two pillars: Constructively managing our differences – and there are differences – and just as constructively coordinating our efforts on the wide range of issues where our interests are aligned. Now make no mistake, we are clear-eyed about the fact that the United States and China are markedly different countries. We have different political systems, different histories, different cultures, and most importantly, different views on certain significant issues. And the leaders of both nations believe it is important to put our disagreements on the table, talk through them, and manage and then work to narrow the differences over time. And these debates, frankly, don’t take place in the spotlight, and much of what we say usually doesn’t end up in the headlines. But I assure you that tough issues are discussed at length whenever our leaders come together.

 

美国的中国政策实际上以两大支柱为基点：建设性地管理我们的分歧——的确存在分歧——同时也建设性地在拥有一致利益的一系列广泛问题上协调双方的努力。毋庸置疑，我们非常清楚，美国和中国是两个非常不同的国家。我们的政治体制不同，历史不同，文化不同——而且很重要的是，我们对一些重大问题看法不同。两国领导人都认为，必须将我们的分歧摆在台面上，仔细讨论，并且管理和通过努力逐渐缩小这些分歧。坦白说，这些辩论不是公开进行，我们大部分谈话都不会见诸新闻。但我可以肯定地告诉你们，每当两国领导人会晤时，都会针对棘手的问题进行长时间讨论。

 

And when we talk about managing our differences, that is not code for agree to disagree. For example, we do not simply agree to disagree when it comes to maritime security, especially in the South and East China Seas. The United States is not a claimant, and we do not take a position on the various territorial claims of others. But we take a strong position on how those claims are pursued and how those disputes are going to be resolved. So we are deeply concerned about mounting tension in the South China Sea and we consistently urge all the parties to pursue claims in accordance with international law, to exercise self-restraint, to peacefully resolve disputes, and to make rapid, meaningful progress to complete a code of conduct that will help reduce the potential for conflict in the years to come. And the United States will work, without getting involved in the merits of the claim, on helping that process to be effectuated, because doing so brings greater stability, brings more opportunity for cooperation in other areas.

 

当我们说管理我们之间的分歧时，它并不是同意保留不同意见的代义词。例如，当谈到海上安全时——尤其是在南中国海和东中国海，我们不会仅仅同意保留不同意见。美国不是索求方。我们对其他各方的各种领土索求不持立场，但是，我们对如何进行索求以及如何解决那些分歧持坚定立场。因此，我们对南中国海日益加剧的紧张局势深感关注。我们始终敦促各方按照国际法的规定提出索求，保持自我克制，和平解决分歧，并且为达成一项有助于在未来减少冲突可能的行为准则取得迅速和有意义的进展。美国将以不涉及索求是非曲直的方式，努力协助实现这种进程，因为这样做会扩大稳定和在其他领域进行合作的更多机会。

 

We do not agree to disagree when it comes to cyber issues. We’ve been very clear about how strongly we object to any cyber-enabled theft of trade secrets and other sensitive information from our companies, whoever may be doing it. And we are convinced that it is in China’s interest to help put an end to this practice. Foreign companies will invest more in China if they can be confident that when they do their intellectual property will be safeguarded. Chinese markets will be more attractive to international industries if China shows that it’s serious about addressing global cyber concerns. And China’s own industries will only prosper if they are generating their own intellectual property, ultimately, and if their government enforces the rules fully and fairly for everybody. The United States is committed to using an open and frank dialogue to help build trust and develop common rules of the road on those pressing economic and security challenges.

 

当谈到网际问题时，我们不会同意保留不同意见。我们一直非常清楚地表明，强烈反对通过网络窃取贸易机密和窃取我们公司的其他敏感信息的任何行为，不管行为者是谁。我们坚信，帮助制止这种行为符合中国的利益。如果外国公司对在中国投资时自己的知识产权会受到保护有信心，它们就会在中国进行更多投资。如果中国显示它认真对待解决全球的网络担忧，中国的市场对国际企业将具有更大的吸引力。从长远来讲，如果中国企业最终发展出自己的知识财产，并且如果中国政府充分和公正地一视同仁地执法，则中国自身的企业只会走向繁荣兴旺。美国致力于通过开诚布公的对话，帮助建立信任，针对那些迫切的经济和安全挑战制定出共同的行事规则。

 

And we certainly do not agree to disagree when it comes to human rights. The United States will always advocate for all countries to permit their citizens to express their grievances freely, publicly, peacefully, and without fear of retribution. That’s why we’ve spoken out about the situation in Hong Kong and human rights issues elsewhere in China, because respect for fundamental freedoms is now and always has been a centerpiece of American foreign policy, and because we have seen again and again that respect for rule of law and the protection of human rights are essential to any country’s long-term growth, prosperity, and stability, and to their respect in the world.

 

当谈到人权问题时，我们当然不会同意保留不同意见。美国将始终主张所有国家让公民能够自由、公开、和平和不必担心受到报复地表达意见。正因为这样，我们对香港的局势和中国其他地方的人权问题发出我们的声音，因为尊重基本自由现在是、并且始终是美国外交政策的核心内容，这也因为我们一再看到，尊重法治和保护人权是任何国家长期发展与稳定和受到世界尊重的根本。

 

Let me be clear: The United States will never shy away from articulating our deeply held values or defending our interests, our allies, and our partners throughout the region. And China is well aware of that. But the relationship between our two countries has developed and matured significantly over time. Our differences will undoubtedly continue to test the relationship; they always do, between people, between families, between countries. But they should not, and in fact, must not prevent us from acting cooperatively in other areas.

 

我要明确一点：美国决不会回避表述我们深信的价值观，或在捍卫我们的利益、我们的盟友和我们在这个地区的伙伴上退缩。中国非常清楚这点。但我们两国关系多年来已经大大发展和更加成熟。我们的分歧无疑会继续给我们的关系带来挑战；这在人与人之间、家庭之间和国家之间一向如此。但是，它们不应该——实际上决不能——阻止我们在其他领域采取合作行动。

 

So what are those areas? Where are the great opportunities? Well, it starts with economics. Thirty-five years ago when diplomatic relations began between the United States and China, trade between our two countries was virtually nonexistent. Today, our businesses exchange nearly $600 billion in goods and services every single year. Our mutual investments are close to $100 billion. You read a lot about American businesses going over to China. Well, let me tell you something. The truth is that today, even more Chinese businesses are setting up shop in the United States. And we welcome that. In fact, we do a lot to encourage Chinese investment here, while our embassies and consulates in China are simultaneously doing great work in order to identify opportunities for American companies over there.

 

那么这样的领域有哪些呢？大好的机会在哪里呢？首先是从经济开始。三十五年前，在美国和中国刚发展外交关系时，两国间基本没有贸易。今天，我们的商品和服务贸易每一年都达到近6,000亿美元。我们的相互投资达到近1,000亿美元。人们读到大量有关美国工商企业前往中国的报道，但让我来告诉你们，其实今天正在有更多的中国工商企业在美国开业。我们欢迎这种情况。实际上，我们为鼓励中方来这里投资做了很多工作，与此同时，我们在中国的使领馆也在为美国工商企业寻找在那边的机会作出极大努力。

 

Even as U.S. and Chinese businesses compete in the marketplace, we each have a huge stake in the economic health of the other. And the fact is that the world as a whole has a huge stake in the economic vibrancy of both China and the United States. That is why we’re focused on enhancing trade and investment between our countries, including through the ongoing negotiations of a high-standard bilateral investment treaty. Established rules of the road that do more to protect businesses and investors on both sides of the Pacific will help both of our economies to be able to continue to grow and to prosper. One recent study by the Peterson Institute for International Economics found that if we’re able to open up trade and investment significantly, our countries could share gains of almost half a trillion dollars a year.

 

即便美中两国公司在市场上竞争，对方具有良好的经济状况也与我们各自的利益极其攸关。事实上，全世界都与中美两国的经济活力利益攸关。因此，我们注重增进我们两国之间的贸易和投资，包括通过正在进行的高标准的双边投资协定。建立起能够更好保护太平洋两岸工商企业和投资者的行事规则，将有助双方经济继续增长和繁荣。彼得森国际经济研究所最近的一项研究显示，如果我们能够大大开放贸易和投资，我们两国可共享每年几乎5,000亿美元的增长。

 

So let me underscore: Our aligned interests are more than just economic and cooperation is more than just commercial. As China pursues interests well beyond the Asia Pacific, there is both opportunity and necessity to coordinate our efforts to address global security concerns. Our shared efforts to respond to the global threat of climate change are a perfect example. The UN climate report that was released over this last weekend is another wakeup call to everybody. The science could not be clearer. Our planet is warming and it is warming due to our actions, human input. And the damage is already visible, and it is visible at a faster and greater rate than scientists predicted. That’s why there’s cause for alarm, because everything that they predicted is happening, but happening faster and happening to a greater degree. The solutions are within reach, but they will require ambitious, decisive, and immediate action.

 

因此我要强调：我们的共同利益不仅是在经济上，合作也不仅限于商务。随着中国向亚太以外地区发展利益，我们有机会，也有必要为解决全球安全问题协调我们的努力。我们为应对全球气候变化威胁所共同进行的努力就是一个最好的例子。联合国上周末发布的气候报告给所有人又一次敲响警钟。在这方面，科学已经是再清楚不过：我们的星球正在变暖，而且是由于我们行为、由于人类的作用而变暖。破坏已经显现出来，而且速度比科学家所预测的还要迅速和严重。这就是为什么需要引起警觉，因为科学家预测的一切都正在出现，并且出现得更快，程度更烈。解决方案触手可及，但它们要求拿出大力、果断和立即的行动。